The Politics of Neoliberal Reforms in Africa: State and civil society in Cameroon

11. Trade Unionism in Cameroon and Neoliberal Globalisation: From Crisis to Revitalisation?

253 11 Trade unionism in Cameroon and neoliberal globalisation: From crisis to revitalisation? Introduction Trade unions across Africa are facing similar challenges in the current period of neoliberal globalisation but their responses to the farreaching economic and political reforms have varied (cf. Thomas 1995; Kester & Sidibé 1997; Beckman & Sachikonye 2001; Konings 2006b). Some have shown a remarkable capacity to adjust to the dramatic effects of neoliberal reforms and even to revitalise their organisations. They have taken a number of innovative steps to tackle their organisational problems in the rapidly changing economic and political environment in order to remain meaningful to their memberships. Others, however, are in deep crisis. Cameroonian trade unions, as I intend to demonstrate in this chapter, clearly belong to this latter category. I shall first describe some of the major problems and then assess the future prospects of trade unions in Cameroon. Cameroonian trade unionism in deep crisis Compared to a number of other African countries, there is a striking absence of any detailed research on trade unionism in Cameroon. However, existing studies agree that the long-standing crisis in the Cameroonian trade-union movement has deepened during the current economic and political liberalisation processes (Eboussi Boulaga 1997; Abega 1999; Konings 2006b, 2009a). Cameroonian trade unions appear to have failed dismally to cope with the new situation let alone achieve a much-needed revitalisation. The movement faces a multitude of problems and I restrict myself here to presenting the gravest. 254 The Politics of Neoliberal Reforms in Africa Lack of autonomy One of the trade-union movement’s major problems is continuing state intervention in trade-union affairs. Following independence and reunification in 1961, the Cameroonian post-colonial state succeeded in 1972 in merging the existing central labour organisations in Francophone and Anglophone Cameroon into a single body and subordinating it to the state for the sake of national reconstruction and unity. The new, state-controlled trade-union movement was first called the Union Nationale des Travailleurs du Cameroun (UNTC) and later, in 1985, the Organisation Syndicale des Travailleurs du Cameroun (OSTC) (Kendrick 1979; Konings 1993a; Tsafack-Nanfosso 1999). Considering the fusion between state and organised labour, it is not surprising that the OSTC leadership refused to adhere to the growing calls in civil society by the end of the 1980s for political liberalisation and the introduction of a multiparty system. In May 1990, like other loyalists of the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM), the then OSTC president, D. Fouda Sima, expressed ‘his total rejection of what the head of state has called political models imported from abroad’ (Konings 2000: 179). Together with other OSTC leaders, he subsequently participated in anti-democracy marches organised by the regime. Following the introduction of a multi-party system and a limited degree of political liberalisation in December 1990, a large number of the rank and file and even some local and regional leaders demonstrated their growing disenchantment with the OSTC’s continuing alliance with the ruling CPDM party and its blatant neglect of the defence of workers’ interests during the economic crisis by supporting the newly created opposition parties. Under mounting pressure, the OSTC leadership finally recognised the right of its members to join the political party of their choice on 2 April 1991. Eventually, the new Labour Code of 1992 guaranteed a large measure of trade union autonomy to the state and abolished the existing practice of trade-union monolithism, allowing a group of at least twenty workers to form a union outside the OSTC (Republic of Cameroon 1992). 255 Chapter 11: Trade unionism in Cameroon and neoliberal globalisation Unfortunately, although officially commending trade-union autonomy, the Cameroonian government continued to devise a number of strategies to keep the unions under control. First, the 1992 Labour Code clearly stated that a newly formed trade union should be registered. This enabled the state to deny legal existence to any trade union suspected of supporting the opposition. Second, the government continued to intervene in the existing unions and to harass any members and leaders engaged in ‘oppositional’ actions. This was already manifest during the OSTC’s 1992 congress. To mark a new beginning, the central labour organisation changed its name again to Confédération Syndicale des Travailleurs du Cameroun (CSTC) and held new elections. In its efforts to achieve state control over the new trade-union centre, the government succeeded in buying the support of a number...