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32 Chapter Three Government and the Status Quo in Cameroon With independence in 1961, the Federal Republic of Cameroon, made up of two states—West and East Cameroon—was born. In this unique situation, the federal structure and manner of operation clashed with itself because of the dual colonial backgrounds involved—English and French. The colonial powers had, in many ways, greatly transformed the colonies into extensions of their home countries in an effort to control the locals successfully. Whereas in Southern Cameroons (West Cameroon), for example, which had been colonized by the British, one was innocent until proven guilty by the state, in La République (East Cameroon), one, like in France, was guilty until one proved oneself innocent. The conflict between both systems was already too obvious when it is considered that both sections expressed themselves in different administrative languages, the one in English and the other in French. In the same vein, while the country was a federation, both sections of the Federal Republic of Cameroon—the West and the East—had their separate Houses of Assembly, and then there was the Federal House of Assembly.1 Accordingly, each section had a prime minister, and there was to be a vice president who was to come from West Cameroon if the president came from East Cameroon, and vice versa. In any case, of what consequence is a prime minister when the president is constitutionally the one who wields power? 2 At the time, the president, who was resident in Yaounde, came from East Cameroon (former La République du Cameroun). This, of course, gave La République du Cameroun the upper hand in matters of national interest because of the powers in the hands of the Francophone president. With the United Republic of Cameroon, a new administrative contraption of a state into which Ahidjo manipulated West Cameroonians, came a number of changes also instituted by Ahidjo. He banished the position of vice president. There was now to be a president, a speaker of the National Assembly, and only one prime minister. Ahidjo’s role as political juggler comes to the fore when it is apprehended that although in terms of protocol the speaker of the National Assembly, an Anglophone at the time (Solomon Tandeng Muna), came before the prime minister, yet the prime minister was the constitutional successor in case of any eventuality and the president was suddenly indisposed. Given that the prime minister was a Francophone, the calculated effort to ensure that an Anglophone does not become president is recognized. Once more, the new administrative order, “The United Republic”, was bound to work against the former West Cameroon. Today, the Francophone president is the leader of the country, and he appoints his Anglophone prime minister who, of course, is said to be the head of government. This head of government, however, takes his instructions from the president who is also the one who appoints the cabinet with which the prime minister and head of government is supposed to work; there is no better way of defining a figurehead. In the same manner, the president who is all-powerful, the parliament being only a rubber stamp, can arbitrarily replace the prime minister, the brouhaha about democracy and multiparty politics notwithstanding. 33 THE EXECUTIVE The President At the head of the government of Cameroon today, as in most other African nations, is the president, and this time around, Paul Biya happens to be that president, having been handpicked as an heir by the former president, Ahmadou Ahidjo. Usually a president swears to protect the constitution of the land he is serving, and it is only normal that the welfare of the citizens, symbolized by the nation, should be his prime concern. The president is supposed to love his country and citizens to the point of being ready to give up his life for them; after all, he is the supreme magistrate and commander in chief of the armed forces of his country. This supreme duty of the president is not what concerns most African leaders, who, along with their ministers, a scarce exception notwithstanding, are shameless kleptocrats. In hindsight, and now being able to pit two presidents, the one against the other, one is likely to conclude that Ahidjo was not only a better president, but also a true patriot, his despotic methods notwithstanding. This is the spirit, despite certain beliefs, that leads one to think further that one would rather flourish under a benevolent despot than be...

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