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choices to Be MAde And prices to Be pAid: potentiAl roles And conseQuences in roMA ActivisM And policy-MAkinG nicolAe GheorGhe in collABorAtion With GerGő pulAy1 in search of language the time has come to suggest some serious changes in roma civil society. this paper is written as a response to the compelling need for a language that goes beyond political correctness and challenges the assumptions of liberal human rights discourse. recent polemics over roma integration are mingled with a reluctance to address ‘touchy’ or ‘risky’ issues – sometimes even ‘taboos’ – by those who strive to defend the rights of roma or by roma themselves.2 We need to forge a new language, based on a frank and critical revision of previous approaches, to understand the origins of this crisis and move forward. this is why we really need to talk about such controversial topics as the links between roma international mobility, chain-migration, human trafficking and criminality ; the inequality of women and men amongst the roma; the ‘begging-business’, in particular the forced involvement of children and teen-agers in activities such as begging ; the practice of early marriages in some traditional communities; and the exploitation of child labour by certain families who sometimes take advantage of the elderly or disabled as well. What makes certain roma economically redundant and others economically productive in their home countries or on their journeys abroad? What kind of cultural patterns lie behind these differences? do notions like ‘Gypsy work’ (romani butji) or ‘cunning’ (shmekeria) only refer to a form of fraud? is it possible to accept such 1 this text is primarily based on the interviews and discussions i had with nicolae Gheorghe in Bucharest and salerno during 2009 and 2010. it also includes certain fragments from his previous writings, notes and speeches that he delivered to various audiences. throughout the process of transcription and editing i was following his personal suggestions regarding the structure of the argument. (Gergô pulay) 2 see amongst other examples the media coverage of roma-related debates and diplomatic arguments between France, romania and the european union during the summer and Autumn of 2010. mentalities and practices as opportunities – or even as legitimate and profitable sources of income in competitive market environments? What has made informal or ‘traditional ’ roma leaders like the vajda or bulibaşă so powerful recently? What has helped them re-emerge as potential partners for policy-makers and national, regional and local authorities? Why have they gained legitimacy, especially when european agencies and public opinion demand ‘good practices’ and ‘concrete measures’ with the expectation of quick results, which in reality may be no more than window-dressing? Why are these patriarchal roma leaders secretly envied by their gadje partners when they occupy posts in unstable public bodies and face confused roma and non-roma voters – some of whom may even have been bribed? how do roma experts, activists and policy-makers use the concepts of culture, identity and tradition when discussing those they claim to support and represent? on the other hand how do roma themselves use their social networks and cultural capital in changing contexts at home or abroad? What are the enduring markers of roma ethnicity, and what should be changed in this regard if we wish to achieve wider political mobilisation as active partners of further civic initiatives? how do roma activists function as facilitators and mediators between their different social worlds? do they expect to be hired to implement projects or to become community organisers to inspire grass-roots movements? What should be the further aims of roma mobilisation – particularly in relation to nation-building and citizenship roles? politically correct speech proved too abstract and simplistic when trying to resolve dilemmas about rights, welfare, poverty and exclusion, as well as extended disputes about ‘civic’ versus ‘ethnic’ roma elites. public debates and policies have continued to ignore a wide range of important issues, yet these have been haunting me since i claim to be part of that roma elite. this text is based on discussions with colleagues – in particular with András Bíró – on recent events that have complicated the relationship between particular roma groups and majority populations and also their home states or where they migrated. the argument is primarily dedicated to fellow activists, policy-makers and engaged roma experts in order to stimulate further discussion. in the social sciences at least two alternative and verifiable theories are required, precisely because they can disprove each other. instead of ultimate answers...

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