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CHAPTER 8 “Supporting Genuine Development of the Child:” Public Childcare Centers versus Family in Post-Soviet Russia ——————————————————————————————————— Yulia Gradskova Introduction1 Researchers of Russian history and society have conventionally looked upon the Soviet politics of public childcare primarily from the perspective of the state’s need for female employment, while the role of preschool centers is seen as a substitute for the lack of maternal care (Chernova, 2008; Kravchenko, 2008; Kurganov, 1968; Saxonberg and Sirovatka, 2007; Teplova, 2007). The assumption that children were collectivized and deprived of maternal love during communism was probably one of the most influential arguments of anti-Soviet and anti-communist propaganda . However, recent studies of Soviet social and gender politics show that nurseries and kindergartens were seen by parents, and particularly by women, as an important social institution that helped them in their everyday parenting (Engel, 2004, p. 227; Kelly, 2007; Teplova, 2007, p. 285; Zhuravlev and Mukhin, 2004). Furthermore, studies of Soviet social politics show that in practice, during prolonged periods of hunger, wars, and crisis, preschool centers and other forms of institutionalized childcare and education often protected children from social abandonment and various kinds of abuse (Bendina, 2007; Kelly, 2007, pp. 348–349; Krinko et al., 2008). Indeed, the contradictory relationship between Soviet preschool centers and the well-being of the child (blago rebenka) was noted by Catriona Kelly in her recent profound study on Soviet childhood: “Some children were miserable at nursery schools; but others were considerably more miserable at home” (Kelly, 2007, p. 420). Perestroika in the late 1980s, and even more so the liberal reforms in Russia after 1991, opened the way for public discussions about the need for a change in balance between the state and the family with respect to various social and economic matters. The Russian state started to view the family as an important source of welfare for its members, allowing it to withdraw from many of its previous responsibilities in guaranteeing social welfare . During the 1990s the number of kindergartens and particularly nurseries was drastically reduced.2 However, at the beginning of the following decade, about 40 percent of all preschool children still continued to attend public preschool centers (Seliverstova, 2005, p. 96; Teplova, 2007). This chapter explores how the role of preschool centers was viewed in the life of children and their families in the post-socialist transformation period in Russia. Did the concepts of “the well-being of the child” and “the genuine development of the child” with respect to public care and education change during these years? If so, in what ways? What responsibilities do parents have according to preschool teachers? What kind of help can parents expect from the preschool center? How do parents perceive the preschool center and its ability to support the development of the child? The chapter is based on two kinds of materials. The first is the magazine Doshkol’noe vospitanie (Preschool Education), established in 1928, (designated DV below) and some other pedagogical texts. DV is the leading magazine on preschool education; its articles are written mainly by educators and experts—heads of preschool centers and instructors and administrators of local educational departments, as well as scholars in education or psychology , many of whom have a PhD degree. In 1989 DV had a circulation of 983,000 copies; in 1995 it was 112,891 copies, and in 2007 it was 44,500. However, despite this decline in circulation, caused by economic crises and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the magazine has largely preserved its leading role in the field of preschool education. Throughout its existence, it has published materials intended for use in the everyday work of the preschool centers. These include scenarios for celebrating holidays such as New Year’s Eve, educational programs, legal documents having to do with children and education, information about new models of toys and furniture to be used in the centers, and recommendations for how to teach children about nature and music. At the same time, the magazine is also directed at parents. The second source for my study consists of Internet sites with forum discussions on how to be a mother and how to bring up children.3 I have chosen three thematic websites—materinstvo.ru, mamka.ru, and nanya.ru— since they all include topics on kindergartens and childcare. Although topics for discussion in the forums are different, I pay attention only to discussion topics that are common to all three of them. Furthermore, they are all open...

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