Zimbabwe�s Lost Decade: Politics, Development and Society

Conclusion: Towards a Renewal

201 This book is an ambitious attempt to ponder the key issues of politics , development and society in Zimbabwe. It has drawn on 25 years of research and publications on these issues. In reflecting on the ‘Lost Decades’, and especially the decade 1998–2008, a critical approach was consistently pursued. To that extent, this book is a critique of the politics of authoritarianism, of the economic paradigm pursued and of the lack of vision and strategy on transformation. This is not to say that these decades saw no positive achievements. For instance, growth in the social sector (especially education and health) was notable in the first decade of independence. Even so, such positive achievements experienced degrees of reversal in the third decade (2000 to 2010), thus proving that they had not been sustainable. In this chapter, we highlight areas that could provide opportunities for Zimbabwe as it seeks recovery from decline and stagnation as well as from pessimism and angst. The first part of the chapter will recap the issues of the National Question and uneven development, the reform of the authoritarian state, the importance and re-orientation of political parties , and the renewed commitment to constitutionalism and democracy. The National Question, Uneven Development and Healing As Chapter 1 spelled out, the formation of the modern state of Zimbabwe is of relatively recent origin, spanning only about 120 years. Western and settler colonialism and African nationalism have been the major ideologies that have deeply affected our political system and behaviour. These ideologies also underpinned our politics before and after independence. The National Question has related to the process of creating national unity across ethnic, racial and social groups as well as the process of state-building . Although some stability and peace was created at independence following the integration of various armies, this proved temporary, as civil conflict in Matabeleland soon flared up. The Gukurahundi (1982–1987) and the repeated calls for a review of the killings, disappearances and Conclusion: Towards a Renewal 202 Zimbabwe’s Lost Decades 202 other excesses of that era represent confirmation that the National Question still needs to be settled. While those events contributed to uneven development and meagre state support in Matabeleland, peripheral parts of other provinces such as Manicaland and Masvingo have also suffered state neglect. The perception that most development resources have been poured into Harare and Mashonaland provinces is, rightly or wrongly, further testimony to the fact that the National Question needs to be settled urgently and systematically. Of this, the question of diversity in our national make-up is an inextricable part. Discrimination against some citizens is offensive to the values upon which our society and nation was founded. The National Question cannot be resolved if whites, Asians, Tonga, Venda and other groups have their rights trampled upon because they are in the minority. Authoritarian politics have evolved on the basis of such discrimination and disempowerment , and on the intolerance of diversity. There should be respect of diversity and striving for ‘unity in diversity’. The legacy of original and reverse racism and discrimination should be urgently and systematically addressed, as should that of the violence of Gukurahundi. No true healing and reconciliation can be possible without a sincere ‘owning up’ to these legacies. The Reconstruction of the State Chapter 2 argued and showed that the inherited Zimbabwe state retained strong authoritarian and repressive features and functions. There were weak checks and balances between the key branches of the state. The autonomy of parliament and judiciary was weak, with real power centralised in the executive. The military–security–police complex has become increasingly influential as a major power centre in the state, hence the expression ‘militarisation of politics’. These are unhealthy developments, especially for democratic politics. Reforming the present authoritarian state is imperative. In practice, this will entail reform of the security sector – the military, the police and the intelligence services – so that the extensive politicisation of these institutions is reversed. All three have become intimately associated with the ZANU-PF over the years, especially during elections, in which they have been viewed as playing an overtly partisan role. At the same time, their top echelons were involved in the accumulation of wealth during the military intervention in the DRC and in the land occupations and mining operations at home. 203 203 Conclusion: : Towards a Renewal The capacity for policy design and implementation by the state bureaucracy has weakened over...