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141 5 War in Rhodesia, 1965–1980 Joseph Mtisi, Munyaradzi Nyakudya and Teresa Barnes Introduction The attempts by the Rhodesian Front (RF) government to cushion the white population against the ‘winds of change’ were complicated by the intensifying social, economic and political crises in the country. The nationalists, however, also faced hard challenges as their united stance frayed under many pressures. This chapter discusses the civil war/liberation struggle that developed from political and economic changes both within and beyond the borders of Rhodesia, and how these were perceived and interpreted by the contending forces in the country. The escalating crisis The year 1971 has been identified as marking ‘the peak of white fortunes in Rhodesia’.1 By this date, the most prominent nationalist leaders and trade unionists were either in detention or exile, or had been silenced. Years of negotiations with Britain had culminated in the signing of the 1969 Anglo-Rhodesian Agreement which ensured the continuation of white rule with only very slow concessions to the concept of majority rule.2 At the front, the two ZANLA and ZIPRA armies were bedevilled by logistical and operational problems such as poor and unco-ordinated strategies, as well as lack of ammunition. Sanctions notwithstanding, the RF was adamant that they had the situation well under control. However, the circumstances in Rhodesia began to change significantly, both politically and economically. This declining state of affairs had the effect of shaking white confidence in the UDI project. The early 1970s were marked by invigorated resistance to white rule in the urban areas, complemented by the escalation of the war in the countryside. An important benchmark in the race relations of the country was the 1972 Pearce Commission, which was set up to test the acceptability of the Anglo-Rhodesian Agreement. To a large extent, the findings of the Commission were representative of the class and racial divides that existed in the country. 1 M. Meredith, The Past Is Another Country: Rhodesia UDI to Zimbabwe (London: Pan Books, 1980), p. 82. 2 Ibid. 142 Joseph Mtisi, Munyaradzi Nyakudya and Teresa Barnes On the one hand, most Africans, in both the urban and rural areas, opposed the proposals. These included Purchase Area farmers, who were ostracised by both the RF government and the nationalists; not even chiefs, despite efforts to make them state agents, supported to the proposals.3 In the urban areas, ‘the emotional discontent, frustration and bitterness about the fate of the African people, bottled up for seven years’,4 found an outlet in the violent demonstrations that followed the Pearce Commission in cities such as Salisbury, Umtali and Gwelo. The build-up to the Pearce Commission saw the rise of Abel Muzorewa, a United Methodist Church Bishop, into mainstream nationalist politics. In the absence of most nationalist leaders, Muzorewa was one of those who spearheaded the campaign for a ‘No’ vote in the Pearce Referendum.5 Opposition to white rule became increasingly militant as the execution of the guerrilla war escalated in the early 1970s. David Caute claims that between 1967 and 1972, ‘not a single white person died as a result of guerrilla action’.6 This was soon to change, however. In 1971, ZANLA guerrillas began infiltrating into the north-east corner of the country in order to recruit peasants as porters to assist in stockpiling weapons caches. In December 1972, these methodical endeavours came to fruition with an attack on Altena Farm.7 Table 5.1: Rhodesian government estimates of deaths in the war, 1973–74 European civilians killed Rhodesian security forces killed Guerrillas killed African civilians killed 1973 12 44 179 52 1974 16 96 345 118 Source: Martin and Johnson, The Struggle for Zimbabwe, p. 145. From 1972 to 1974, ZANLA forces made contact with peasants and engaged in guerrilla operations in the northern districts of the country. At the same time, 3 See J. Alexander, The Unsettled Land: State Making and the Politics of Land in Zimbabwe (Harare: Weaver Press; Oxford: James Currey, 2006), pp. 83-99, for more on state efforts to co-opt traditional leaders. 4 Meredith, The Past Is Another Country, p. 93. 5 For more on the Pearce Commission, see J. Todd, The Right to Say No (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1972), and A. T. Muzorewa, Rise Up and Walk: An Autobiography (London: Evans Brothers, 1979). 6 D. Caute, Under the Skin: The Death of White Rhodesia (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press; London: Allen Lane, 1983), p. 40...

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