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ASHINGTON's replies to Bushrod Washington in I786 distill much ofhis politicaljudgment in the period of constitutional turmoil immediately prior to the Constitutional Convention. Our understanding is bettered in knowing the context setforth by Bushrod's letter of September 27, I786. In that letter, Bushrod announced to Washington theformation ofa "Patriotic Society" whose object was "to inquire into the state ofpublic affairs; to consider in what the true happiness ofthe people consists, and what are the evils which have pursued, and still continue to molest us; the means of attaining the former, and escaping the latter; to inquire into the conduct of those who represent us, and to give them our sentiments upon those laws, which ought to be or are already made." In reply to Washington's initial response, which questioned the motives ofsuch an association, Bushrod answered: "we thought that an appearance of corruption was discoverable in the mass of the people. ..." He held that the Patriotic Society did not aim to usurp the privileges of duly constituted representatives, but only to reinforce the most salutary aspects of republican government. Washington's second letter (November I5) closed the correspondence. The expectant air of Washington's correspondence during this periodjustifies his observation that "the present era is pregnant ofgreat and strange events." The role he played in these events becomes central in constructing an accurate view ofhis political ideas. In the Constitutional Convention, Washington played a pivotal though quiet role. Elected to preside, he did not participate in the debates, with one notable exception. On thefinal day ofthe Convention, after the Constitution had been readiedfor signing, a motion was made to alter the rule of representation to facilitate greater participation by the people. The Convention had debated and rejected that proposition more than once in the preceding weeks. Washington stepped down from the presiding chair and declared "his wish that the alteration proposed might take place." The debate ceased there, and a unanimous vote ofapprovalfollowed. The influence which was visible on that singular occasion had been exercised invisibly throughout the course of the Convention, as Washington maintained regular though informal conversation with the diverse delegates. [18.117.186.92] Project MUSE (2024-04-25 02:37 GMT) 117 TO JOHN JAY Mount Vernon, August 15, 1786 Dear Sir: I have to thank you very sincerely for your interesting letter of the 27th ofJune, as well as for the other communications you had the goodness to make at the same time. I'm sorry to be assured, of what indeed I had little doubt before, that we have been guilty of violating the treaty in some instances. What a misfortune it is the British should have so well grounded a pretext for their palpable infractions? And what a disgraceful part, out of the choice of difficulties before us, are we to act? Your sentiments, that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be is also beyond the reach of my foresight. We have errors to correct. We have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation. Experience has taught us, that men will not adopt & carry into execution, measures the best calculated for their own good without the intervention of a coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as a nation, without having lodged somewhere a power which will pervade the whole Union in as energetic a manner, as the authority of the different state governments extend over the several States. To be fearful of vesting Congress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. 333 Violation of peace treaty with Great Britain Monarchical government 1786-1788 Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the public without injuring themselves in as equal or greater proportion? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents? By the rotation of appointment must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the power before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly & inefficaciously for fear of losing their popularity & future election? We must take human nature as we find it. Perfection falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of opinion that Congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant humble tone of requisition , in applications to...

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