-
Chapter 6. “Formerly . . . a Harmlesse Man”
- University of Massachusetts Press
- Chapter
- Additional Information
90 y c h a p t e r 6 “Formerly . . . a harmlesse man” As they coped with the destructiveness of colonialism, Native men and women found much in Christianity that proved appealing or at least amenable to long-standing ways of defining gender and religion. although their persistence and adaptation are testament to their resourcefulness, it is the case that Indian communities considered becoming Christian at moments when they faced fewer palatable options for autonomy. they regularly dealt with disease, violence, dislocation, and the undoubtedly sad knowledgethatEnglishvillagesappearedtogrowsteadilyatthesametimeas shrinking Nativecommunities soughttoreconstitute andformstrategies for future vitality. Becoming Christian offered one such strategy, but like most choices available to Indians living in heavily colonized areas, it was fraught.1 For their part, missionaries hoped to lead their proselytes down the path to civility. they were particularly eager to convert Native men whom they imaginedasfutureleadersofpatriarchalChristianIndiancommunities,leaders who wouldcurtailwomen’s public rolesin both religionand governance, while also reinforcing the authority of fathers in praying-town families. the role of praying Indian men in religion, politics, and family never quite matched what the missionaries had hoped for in the 1640s; nonetheless, the advent of missionary activity offered much to Indian men who either hopedtoriseinprominenceortoreaffirmleadershippositionsintheircommunities . Male converts very early became key to facilitating the spread of “Formerly . . . a harmlesse man” z 91 Christianity in southern New England. Even though missionaries imagined the path to civility and Christianization as a stark series of trade-offs, their religious message offered much that was analogous to traditional Indian ways of defining masculinity and understanding the sacred. this goes far in explainingthewillingnessofsomeIndianstoexperimentwithandthenseek to spread Christianity among the Native communities of the region. the experiencesoftwoprominentearlyconverts—HiacoomesonNope(called Martha’s Vineyard by the English) in the early 1640s, and Waban in Massachusetts Bay Colony later in the same decade—well illustrate this dynamic. as the first Christian convert on Martha’s Vineyard in the 1640s, Hiacoomes suggests an interesting reconfiguration of Indian manhood. Before becoming Christian, he embodied the antithesis of Indian manly ideals. ExperienceMayhewlatersummeduphisqualities :“HisDescentwasbutmean, his Speech but slow, and his Countenance not very promising.” Perhaps becauseofhis failureto excel asa manalongmoretraditionallines, Hiacoomes showed an openness to English culture and Christianity. In becoming the first Christian convert on the island, he developed a novel way of defining Indian masculinity. Prior to this transformation he appeared “a harmlesse man,” best known for his silence at Indian meetings—occasions dominated by the oratory of high-status men and similarly prominent women. Yet this formerly low-status man, using a new source of spiritual power, challenged the island sachems and powwows, demonstrated what it meant to be a praying Indian, and eventually enjoyed a new status and novel role as a teacher among his people.2 In1643,severalyearsbeforeseriousmissionaryeffortsbeganinMassachusettsBayColony ,thomasMayhewJr.noticedHiacoomes’sfrequentvisitsto settlers’homesandbeganinvitinghimtoreligiousinstructioneverySunday. as a fixture at the Mayhew house on the Sabbath, Hiacoomes provoked traditionalist sachems and powwows, but ignoring the hostility of many in his community, he became eager to receive English instruction. He spurned the sachemPahkehpunnasso’scensurefor seekingout the colonists,responding that“hewasgladlyobedienttotheEnglish,neitherwasitfortheIndianshurt that he did so.” a furious Pahkehpunnasso reacted by hitting Hiacoomes in the face. For a time, Christianity progressed no further on the island. Disease arrived the next year, devastating local Wampanoag communities and leading to chaos. reminiscent of rituals used to contact Hobbomock, island Indians “did run up and down till they could run no longer, they made their faces as black as a coale, snatched up any weapon, spake great words, but [3.237.65.102] Project MUSE (2024-03-29 03:29 GMT) 92 y chapter 6 did no hurt.”3 Just as these rituals failed to avert the spread of disease, island powwows proved unable to stop the contagion. Since Indians in the region made a strong connection between disease and spiritual power, epidemics sometimesservedasa catalystforconversion,leadingIndianstoseekpotent new sources of spiritual power that might complement older supernatural associations in protecting their families and communities against disease.4 a year after disease first struck the island, Hiacoomes was still at odds with traditionalists and a target of gendered insults. When he joined a large gathering of Indians, “they scoffed at him with great laughter, saying, Here comes the English man.” Given Hiacoomes’s low status in his community, he appeared the antithesis of Native masculine ideals. He eschewed traditional religion and failed to respect the currents of Indian manhood. a subject of scorn, he was seen as no better than a mere Englishman, which at this date was not consideredmuch to behold or emulate. On...