Nashville in the New Millennium: Immigrant Settlement, Urban Transformation, and Social Belonging

Notes

261 Notes PReFaCe 1. For discussions of immigrant incorporation as institutionally and geographically specific, see, among others, Ellis (2006), Foner (2007), Nelson and Hiemstra (2008), and Marrow (2011). 2. In stressing the role of the local context, I, in no way, mean to sever the multiscalar links (not the least of which is international migration) that make this local context also a global sense of place (Massey 1994). ChaPteR 1 1. http://scarritbennett.org/programs/divdialogue.aspx#about (accessed December 18, 2012). 2. U.S. Census 2010, “2010 Census Interactive Population Search: Tennessee,” available at: http://2010.census.gov/2010census/popmap/ipmtext.php?fl= 47 (accessed March 12, 2012). For studies of new destinations’ initial shock at the rapid immigrant arrival, see Cabell (2007), Murphy et al. (2001), Fink (2003), Odem (2004), and Rich and Miranda (2005). It is important to note that not all of Nashville’s foreign-born population is Latino or Hispanic. Refugee resettlement, which was handled in a program run by the city’s Metro government until 2005, is a visible urban issue in Nashville, which has been home to refugee populations since the late 1960s. Today, the city has the largest Kurdish community in the United States and a diverse group of refugees from eastern Europe, Africa, and elsewhere. Refugee and immigrant politics, and even service provision, are clearly related in Nashville (see chapter 6), but because they are also distinct in many ways (Winders 2006a), I focus almost exclusively on Latino immigrant experiences in Nashville rather than on the general immigrant or foreign-born experience, which is too diverse a category to make analytic sense in Nashville and too large a task for one book. 3. For studies of new destinations that possess recallable histories of immigrant settlement, see Wortham et al. (2009), Torres (2006), and Shutika (2011). It is worth noting that these studies do not focus on Southern locations. 4. A large literature looks at the context of immigrant reception in new destinations , including: Atiles and Bohon (2003), Bauer (2009), Benson (2008), Bullock and Hood (2006), Cabell (2007), Deeb-Sossa and Mendez (2008), Fink (2009), Furuseth and Smith (2010), Hernández-León and Zúñiga (2005), Lich- 262 Notes ter and Johnson (2009), Marrow (2011), McKanders (2010), Odem (2009), Popke (2011), Striffler (2007), Stuesse (2009), and Waters and Jiménez (2005). ChaPteR 2 1. For studies of bilocal connections between new rural destinations in the South and various Latin American communities, see Striffler (2007) and Fink (2003). For studies of transnationalism, see Mountz and Wright (1996), Rouse (1991), and Robert Smith (2006). 2. The literature on 9/11’s impacts on immigrant daily lives is substantial. See, for example, Andreas (2003), Coleman (2007, 2009), Winders (2007), and Bhandar (2004). 3. For studies of immigrant place-making in new destinations, see Lacy (2009), Marrow (2011), Odem (2009), Zarrugh (2008), and Wampler, Chavez, and Pedraza (2009). 4. See, among others, Murphy et al. (2001), Atiles and Bohon (2002), and Johnson-Webb and Johnson (1996). 5. For examples of theories developed from the perspectives of new destinations , see Massey (2008), Varsanyi (2010), Lichter and Johnson (2009), Marrow (2009a, 2009b, 2011), and O’Neil and Tienda (2010). 6. For edited volumes, see Gozdziak and Martin (2005), Smith and Furuseth (2006), Singer, Hardwick, and Brettell (2008b), Murphy et al. (2001), Massey (2008), Zuñiga and Hernández-León (2005), Wortham, Murillo, and Hamman (2002), Odem and Lacy (2009), Lippard and Gallagher (2011), and Ansley and Shefner (2009). For journal special issues, see Southern Rural Sociology (2003, vol. 19, no. 1), Sociological Spectrum (2003, vol. 23, no. 2), Southeastern Geographer (2011, vol. 51, no. 2), and Latino Studies (2012, vol. 10, nos. 1–2). For book-length studies, see Cuadros (2006), Fink (2003), Hamann (2003), Marrow (2011), and Johnson-Webb (2003). 7. New England also saw growing immigrant populations in the late 1990s and 2000s, although typically in places that had previous experience with foreignborn populations; thus, the dynamic was different from what was occurring in Southern states (see Torres 2006). 8. Population figures cited in this paragraph are taken from Hope Yen, “New Census Milestone: Hispanics Reach 50 Million,” Associated Press, March 28, 2011. 9. For discussions of this transition from a secondary domestic migration to a direct international migration, see Winders (2008a) and Odem (2004, 2009). A clear exception here is the stream of Latino migrant workers associated with the South’s agricultural economy. Whether they arrive on H-2A visas (Cravey 1997, 2003...