African-American Proverbs in Context

2. Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved: Speech Events with European-Americans

TWO Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved: Speech Events with European-Americans Sources of Proverb Speech Acts Locating examplesof proverbs used in context during the period ofslavery is a nearly impossible task. Several sources give indications of proverbial meanings and functions but also pose substantial problems. First, there are the instances of proverbial speech in literary works by EuropeanAmerican authors, such as Uncle Tom's Cabin. Such cases naturally raise issues of authenticity and accuracy: to what extent do the speech events in the novel reflect recurrent uses of the proverbs that were common in the culture? While the perusalofcollections from this period might substantiate that some of these items were current in tradition, it cannot supply us with information on their meanings. A second source is the genre of slave autobiographies. But again, these are literary documents, and some of the same issues are relevant here. Many such narratives were actually written and edited by abolitionists who were told stories byilliterate slaves (Osofsky 1969:12). Some of the more outstanding ones—for example,the narratives of Solomon Northup, Henry Bibb, and William Wells Brown—contain only a fewpassagesof dialogue between characters and almost no proverbs. Like Frederick Douglass's, which does contain proverbs, they employ a formal literary style. The proverbs used by Douglass are addressed to the audience rather than by one character to another, and the question that 38 i<)3os-i<)6os arises is whether these were current in the African-American community or if they are instead items used by the educated and literate. Furthermore, if they were commonly used by African-Americans, does Douglass's use of them reflect innovation or tradition? There is no accurate way to answer such questions. A third category includes documents such as letters, diaries, and newspaper columns that may incidentally contain examplesof proverbs. These also tend to be literary in nature and more often than not exemplify the use of proverbs to an audience that is not physically present. In some of these, as in the autobiographies, there is often a conscious effort made to avoid dialect, and this would certainly influence the use of proverbial items. A study of one such diary (Whiting ip52b: 149-152) reveals the use of numerous proverbial phrases but only four proverbs: "Honesty is the best policy," "Birds of a feather flock together," "Butter will run," and "What is to be, will be." Another proverb is found in a group of tales told by aformer slave, Jake Mitchell, and written and published in a newspaper column by a white editor, Robert Burton: "De one what rock cradle most, in ginnerly rule de roos' "(Sport and Hitchcock 1991: 200). Proverbs can also be found sometimes in the transcriptions of sermons by former slaves. Many of these are quotations drawn from the Bible and are used didactically,as one would expect. A few, though, illustrate proverb speech actsinwhichthe minister responds to eventsthat occurunexpectedly during the church service and show innovation in form and performance. One minister says in response to adog entering the church, "Cast not your pearls before a hawg [before swine], nor feed holy things to er dawg" (Brewer 1947:135). Another isused during the collection to encourage the congregation to give more money: "God loves the buffalo" [the cheerful giver] (Bradford 1935: 7). A third indicates that the flair for the creation of proverb-like metaphors that is commonly found inAfrican-American sermons today also characterized sermons in earlier times: "Did you ever hold the hand of a galvanic battery? The more the juice the tighter you hold" (Courlander 1976^ 361). Once more though, the literary element is involved in these texts, as they were captured by European and, in a few cases, African-American writers. Transcriptions of interviews with ex-enslavedpeople or their direct descendants are a fifth source of proverbial speech. These are also far from ideal examples of proverbs in context, but offer the clearest illustrations of actual recorded interactions in which proverbs are used. Rawick, who Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 39 compiled the largest corpus of these narratives (1972)*, notes the characteristic social dynamics of the interviews: Most of the interviewers were white, most of whom were white women, and the respondents were old blacks, almost invariably very poor and totally destitute, and often dependentupon publiccharityand assistance from white-dominated charities and public officials. The white interviewers were frequently related to the local elite, a relationshipthatwas known bythe old blackmen andwomen beinginterviewed. (Rawick 1972: Supplemental Series i, volume 3, Ga., part i, xxxii) He also notes particular problems with using these documents, warning against their consideration as "a reliable source for those seeking to study black speech patterns and black English" (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. 3, Ga. pt. i, xxix). The language patterns and dialect were recorded with varying degrees of concern for accuracy by collectors with no formal training, as a rule "taken down in pencil or pen, most often after the interview, from memory or from scattered field notes supplemented by memory" (Rawick 1972:8.S.i,v.3,Ga., pt. i,xxx). It maybe that featuressuch as introductory formulas of proverbs, for example, were added, changed, or omitted by collectors not focused on such details. It seems safe to assume that the actual proverbs reported were those that were used and that the general responses and anecdotes recorded were actually related; at least, this is the consensus of Rawick and other scholars who have worked with these narratives. One might reasonably surmise, however, that items which were more culture-specific to the speakers would have had less chance of being remembered or accurately recorded than items with which the collectors were alreadyfamiliar. Thus the dominance of proverbs that were shared by Euro-Americans cannot be taken asan indication of the range ofproverbial speech that existed among the informants. A second problem is that we do not have the kind of contextual information that would give us a clearer sense of two individuals interacting with each other. This makes it difficult to determine where social forces begin and personal motivations leave off.Of course, this also raises a more fundamental issue; whether or not those involved in these interactions were capable of perceiving and relating to each other as individuals. Might the dynamics between interviewer and informant not be similar to those described by Basso in his work with the Western Apache (1979)? In other words, it might be that members of each group regarded each other more as 40 i^^os-i^6os symbolic constructs than asindividuals.Tosuggest this isto bring proverbial speech into focus as a device for assisting in negotiations between not only personal but also cultural Self and Other. The analysis in this chapter, then, leans toward the sociocultural spheres. Though I havemadean effort to use whatever information is availableto imbue the speakerswith personal identities , they remain in many ways representative voices of their perspective cultural groups. A number of positive things can be be said about these narratives as sources of analysis. First, they contain more examples of proverbs than any other source. They also allow us to identify some of the common proverbs in use among African-Americans, both in the period in which the interviews were recorded (the late 1930$) and probably during the period of slavery. Further, these accounts serve as important illustrations of interactive speech events between African- and European-Americans. These events are informed by very specific social and political forces and contain multiple facets of context. From them we can glean information about the cultural and social dimensions of proverb meaning and function as well as about certain situational meanings and applications of items. For these reasons, I have chosen to focus primarily on this latter source. Social/Cultural Dynamics of the Proverb Speech Events In many ways the isolated proverb speech events in the ex-slave narratives are microcosmic examplesof broader social realities inherent in the South and in America in general, and are therefore weighted with political and social implications and charged with the tensions of race relations in this country. There is in the very nature of the interactions comprising these interviews the recognition that the African-American speakers occupy a socially inferior status. They have not initiated the interactions but are complying for a number of reasons: they fear repercussions should they refuse, and they are under the impression that the interviewers can assist them in gaining access to basic services and goods. The conversations, then, pose much the same dilemma that the confines of slavery did, and the dynamics influencing Africana speech behavior in that context persist here. Interviews involving these components would have to be especially tense, delicate and complex, and would necessitate the most strategic uses of language possible for the ex-enslaved speakers. Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 41 It is clear that the social nature of these interactions frames the performance contexts of the speech events and has a great impact on the speech dynamics, choice of items, and levels of meaning that are brought to bear in the encoding of the proverb speech acts. One of the major aspects of these speech events can be called the "ritual of disguise," which refers to the consistent employment of hidden meanings and coded speech by AfricanAmericans to and around European-Americans that has been so widely documented and discussedthat no argument need be madefor it. Rhetorical forms of communication with European-Americans have become stereotypical and institutionalized in the Africana community and are often known as "masks," a trope reflected from the earliest times to the present in oral tradition, literature and social essays of writers as diverse as Dunbar ("We wear the mask that grins and lies" [Davis and Redding 1971: 212]) and Fanon (Black Skins, White Masks 1967). The cultural recognition of such traditional speech and behavioral forms and the ritualized enactment of them is reflected in such expressions as "puttin' on ole massa," or "shuckin' and jivin'." The art of the rhetoric, or the sociolinguistic performance, lies in the speaker's ability to placate the Euro-American addressee by acting out behaviors in accordance with that addressee's expectations, often by referring to Euro-canonical texts while subtly registering personal statements or offering subversive, social commentary. That folklore genres are often central to these "masks" has also been established by writers, artists, and scholars. Spirituals, for example, were often sung to deliver coded messages (Lovell 1972; Epstein 1977) and, in much the samefashion, tales, legends, and jokesalsoexpressedhidden social commentary (Levine 1977; Roberts 1989; Hughes and Bontemps 1958; Fry 1975). Scholars havenoted frequent occurrences ofwork songs and hollers, often performedin the presence ofwhites, that registered severe criticism of European-Americans and institutionalized oppression (Levine 1977). Any researcher concerned with the texts of the WPA interviews should logically consider that this institutionalized component of Africana speech behavior influenced these interviews. Rawick does note the frequent intermingling of "natural" and "fictive" discourse (Smith 1978: 73) that characterizes the ex-slave narratives and that reflects the tendency of informants to blend traditional motifs, i.e., from tales, legends, memorates, etc., with the recounting of personal or community history.2 Of course, this occurs quite naturally becausethe interviewers are primarily askingthe informants to recall memories of the past, and, as Rawick and others have suggested 42 i93os-i()6os (Raboteau 1978), much of the history lies in the realm of oral tradition. To go a step further than Rawick's observation, I suggest that these folklore motifs and genres are often components of the "mask," and function as a part of the ritual of disguise. The ritual of disguise is critical when considering speech events in which proverbs are found, for proverbs are often one of the most important genres in "masking," asevidenced by their frequent occurrence in segments of discourse characterized by elaborate and metaphorical speech. I suggest that a second ritual is also salient in the speech events of informants in these narratives: the "ritual of defense/attack." Though less acknowledged by researchers as a general trope than the ritual of disguise, the strategies by which this one is executed have received significant attention : these are the strategies of argumentation, persuasion, and insult that have been discussed in the context of such distinctive speech forms as the dozens, "capping," "rapping," "signifying," "sounding," and "marking" (Abrahams 1970, 1974, 1976; Mitchell-Kernan i972a, i972b; Kochman 1970; Whitten and Szwed 1970; Brown 1972).Abrahams(i972a) and other scholars have generally agreed that proverbs often function as a means of offering solutions to recurrent problems, but a study of proverbs in context suggests that they frequently playafar more significant role.In the contexts of these speech events between Euro interviewers and Africana informants, proverbs often form a part of the defense and attack strategy. Informants routinely have to defend themselves against criticism, condescension, and denigration of their persons and culture, as well as against logically constructed arguments about one topic or another. Proverbs commonly play a role in this defense; however, in most cases informants are quick to move from the defensive to the offensive position in these interactions, and proverbs are often a pivotal device in this strategy. It has been suggested that folklore items many times reflected the fantasies of enslaved people, allowing them to affirm their vision of social justice (Levine 1977). As a part of the ritual of defense/attack, proverbs sometimes function to project visions of the social order desired by Africana speakers, and can thus be viewed ascontributing to what Roberts has called "culture building" (1989) in these speech events. In other examples,proverbs are clearlyused asa part of strategies of insult. Because of their directive and expressive functions, as well as their usefulness in argumentation, proverbs are generally well-suited for use in the contexts of these interviews, but a number of more specific characteristics Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 43 make them ideal for the rhetorical strategies of many of the speakers. First, proverbs by their nature refer to the established canon in communicating a message and provide anonymity for the speaker. This is an especially important feature in caseswhere speakerswish to voice criticism or tomake social or personal commentary (Roberts 1978: 130), and is reflected in the frequent use ofintroductory and closing formulasthat refer to the Bible, or "The Good Book." Second, indirection is one of the major components of proverbs and one of the most necessary facets of these speakers' communications . Third, proverbs, justasjokesdo, often present ahypothetical world that isrepresentative of elements in the actualworld and in the interactional situation in which the utterance occurs. In contrast to jokes,however, there is less danger that the proverb willbe interpreted asinsolent, insulting, or as making light of situations that communicants mayfeel should be taken seriously . Fourth, proverbs are the most effective folklore genre in constructing and supporting logical argument and persuasion, carrying the weight of authority and social propriety and structurally resembling the statements of syllogisms. Fifth, proverbs can succinctly encapsulate the main point of a segment of elaborate and decorative discourse, focusing the listener's attention on that point and driving it home. And sixth, as Yankah notes regarding Akan proverbs (1989), those in the narratives also function to manipulate the mood and attitude of listeners and create the impression of unity or agreement between Africana speakers and Euro interviewers. References to biblical canon frequently contribute to this component of the speech events as well. The political and social components of these interactions are vital in discussing the contextual meanings and applications of proverbs, for they are ever present and interact with the immediate and personal elements of a particular encounter. We are able to obtain information about the social levels of proverb meaning from many of the examples. We can gain insight into the social meanings of items not only within the Africana community during the 19305, but often within the European-American community aswell, for informants on occasion refer to the common, Euro meaning of items as a part of their own applications and innovations as they use those same proverbs. Hence, the interplay of different social meanings that have emerged out of the social context is an area of focus, just as is the interplay between social and situational (perhaps the most prominent level found in the examples) meanings. Unfortunately, there is little data that would facilitate a discussion of the symbolic level of proverb 44 i<)3os-i<)6os meaning in these narratives, but a knowledge of the other levels can assist in determining symbolic meanings when we encounter the sameitems later on in our study. It should be pointed out againthat the narratives are not ideal sources for the examination of proverb meaning in context; they are simply one of the best availablesources. Although I consider the informants and interviewers as persons engaged in speech events, the texts, in fact, are transcriptions that have been literalized to varying degrees. We have no way of supplying the kind of contextual information that make these examples more threedimensional , and I have relied heavilyon cultural and historical data in this effort. Hence, the cultural and sociallevelsofmeaning are moreemphasized than the personal, and speech events at times may come across assomewhat prototypical. Proverbial Speech and "Masking" It becomes obvious in reading the texts of the ex-slave narratives that speakers are acutely aware of the necessity for rituals of disguise and defense/attack. On repeated occasions, they relate stories that indicate the importance of disguising their communications both in the context of slavery and in the contexts of these interviews. We receive glimpses of ways in which certain social metaphors functioned, and several examples demonstrate the use of proverbs either in disguising communication or in attesting to the practice of coded speech. In the following example,Mr. Thomas Mclntire speaksabout the use of such a social metaphor, indicating that the expression "yer auntie is sho' a comin'" was commonly used and understood among African-Americans to mean that freedom wasimminent, though its meaning remained hidden from whites. Example #i But I membershearin' my folks talkin', en 'twuz'nt jes' eats dey wanted. Dey wanted ter be free, en lam dey chillun, like MarseJim's chillun, so dey cud growup en have som'thin fer dem selves.I'd offen hear em sayin 'nebbr min' chillun,fer yer auntie is sho' a comin'.' Dat wuz jes' a blind fer sayin', 'Freedom's comin'.' Us chillun soon learntwhat it meant, but de white folks nebber did learn. (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. 5, Ind. and Ohio, 409) Another example is a bit more complex. Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 45 Example #2 Jus' fore de war,a whitepreacherhe cometo us slaves and says: 'Do you wan' to keep you homes whar you git all to eat, and raise your chillen, or do you wan' to be free to roam roun' without a home, like de wiP animals? If you wan' to keepyou homesyou better prayfor de South to win. All day wan's to pray for de South to win, raise the hand.' We all raised our hands'cause wewasskeerednot to, but we sho' didn't wan' de South to win. Dat night all de slaves had a meetin' down in de hollow. Old Uncle Mack, he gits up and says: 'One time over in Virginny dere was two ole niggers, Uncle Bob and Uncle Tom. Dey was mad at one 'nuther and one day dey decided to have a dinner and bury de hatchet. So dey sat down, and when Uncle Bob wasn't lookin' Uncle Tom put some poison in Uncle Bob's food, but he saw it and when Uncle Tom wasn't lookin', Uncle Bob he turned de tray roun' on Uncle Tom, and he gits de poison food.' Uncle Mack,he says: 'Dat's what we slaves is gwine do, jus' turn de tray roun' and pray for de North to win!' (Rawick 1972: Series i,v. 4, Tex., pts. i and 2, n) Several communicative and rhetorical components are apparent in this speech event. The speakers in both examples are relating anecdotes that illustrate the ability of the slavesto outwit the enslavers;most importantly, they are relating the stories to a European-American. In both exampleswe can interpret commentary at the sociopolitical and perhaps at the personal levels. At the social level, the message is that European-Americans have been historically outwitted by Africans, and that one arena in particular in which this has occurred is that of oral communication. It is not difficult to imagine that at the personal level, the speakers may be directing this commentary to the particular interviewers whom they are addressing. A possible message is that they (the ex-slaves) are more verbally and intellectually acute than the interviewers, and, further, that it is partially the interviewers' own underestimations of the speakers' ability that makes deception possible. In examples one and two, proverbial expressions are at the core of the communications—"turn the tray round," "bury the hatchet," and "auntie's comin'." With "turn the tray round," we can observe the interplay among several levels of meaning. First is the grammatical level that obtains in the context of the story—one character is literally moving the food around on the table. Second is the situational level of meaning, in which the expression is specifically applied to a character in the story, tricking the 46 i^^os-i^6os other into ingesting his own poison. Third is the social level that applies to the story, and at which the expression comes to stand for outwitting an opponent. Fourth isthe situationallevel applyingto the interaction between the interviewer and informant, at which the speaker may be somehow misleading the interviewer. And fifth is the social level that applies to the interview situation, inwhich the general meaning ofoutwitting anopponent emerges. One can note the creativity of the speaker in orchestrating the different levels of meaning here, presenting a narrative that supposedly explains the origin of the proverbial expression but that, in fact, operates as a dramaticparable to the interviewer. Interplay among levelsofmeaning for "yer auntie is sho' a comin'" is also evident. First is the grammatical level that means simply that one's relative is coming to visit. At the social level, as provided by the informant, however, the expression means that slavery will soon be over and that freedom is corning. The situational level that is mentioned here involves the use of the expression by adults to children, perhapsto inspire and encourage them andto addresssome ofthe emotional damage that inevitably occurred as a result ofslavery. In several other examples, proverbs are also used in speech events in which speakers indicate the importance oftact and indirect communication during the interview process. The following such examplecontains not only a proverb but a possible allusion to a popular folk tale, "The Talking Skull that Refused to Talk."3 Example #3 Does I 'member anything'bout howde slaveswastreatedin slaverytime? Well, I 'members a little myself and a heap of what others told me. Wid dis I done tole you, I believe I want to stop right dere. A low fence is easier to git over than a high one. Saylittle andyou ain't gwine to have a heap to 'splain hereafter. Dere is plenty of persons dat has lost deir heads by not lettin' deir tongues rest. (Rawick 1972: S. i,v. 3, S. C, 27) It is obvious from the speaker's response that the interviewer has asked him for some of his recollections of the slavery period, a question that was routinely asked by the WPA interviewers. Sadly, it is apparent from the notes of those workers that they were far from cognizant of the farcical nature ofposing such questions, given the social circumstances surrounding the interviews. In many regards, the speakers are often quite frank, or, at least, obvious in their sentiments, perhaps because the interviewers' Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 47 preconceptions about them were so firm that negative or pointed commentarywasmisconstrued or simplywent unheard. Evidence ofthis will become more visible as more examples are considered, and particularly in cases where the interviewers' comments are availableforscrutiny. To anunbiased observer who is aware of the social dynamics of the conversation from which example #3 is taken, the meaning of the speaker's communication is blatant: he does not wish to talk about the treatment of slaves because he fears that the interviewer—who is implicated by social codes, heredity, social conditioning, and perhaps personal choice—might be offended and, as a result, cause the speaker harm. In other words, it is far from prudent for the speaker to reveal his sentiments about whites, some of whom may have been the interviewer's relatives. The proverbs here are not ones that show up in any of the collections of "slave proverbs" or in later collections ofproverbsfromAfrican-Americans; however, they are structurally and functionally proverbial in this speech event. In the first of these, the "fence" becomes a metaphor for speech acts, for words uttered, and the proverb portrays them as enclosures that one builds around oneself, that one constructs between the self and other persons or objects. The metaphor further states that it is wise to build as low a fence as possible (to reveal little) in the event that one needs to reach the object on the other side, in this case anonymity. In essence the proverb is a testimony to the wisdom of keeping one's true feelings hidden in this particular speech event and, conversely, of the foolishness and danger of revealing those feelings. The interplay between the grammaticaland situational levels ofmeaning are an important component of the creativity and rhetorical strategy of this speaker. The proverb picture obtained from the grammatical level of meaning is somewhat humorous and engaging in and of itself. The use of such an image must, to some extent, distract the listener's attention away from the actual speaker, and perhaps help to diffuse whatever tension might have resulted from a more straightforward refusal to submit further information. The remarks that follow the proverb (especially if the folktale is being alluded to) further shift attention away from the speaker or, one might say, away from the natural and toward the fictive. The situational meaning—the prudence ofrevealingaslittle aspossible about the treatment of slaves—is thus underscored, though registered. At this level the speaker is also making a comment about the cruelty of Europeans: those who lost their heads did so at the hands of Euro-Americans. 48 I93os-i96os A fourth exampleismore open to interpretation. The interviewer, unlike most, provides the entire text of the interview, including the numbered questions that she posed to the speaker and then the speaker's replies. The questionnaire is thorough and covers every conceivable facet of life during the slavery period; however, the nature of the responses from the speaker (Mrs. Mary Jane Simmons) is unusual—she answers the questions in as few words as possible, providing a bare minimum of information and no opinions or commentary. From reading the text, one receives the portrait of a woman who never questioned authority and was never aware that any other enslaved person did either, who does not believe in any superstitions, and who is not awareof any of the common beliefs or practices of AfricanAmericans during the time in which she lived—all of which is difficult to imagine. It is in this context that the proverb is used as a response to the interviewer's final question. Example #4 To what factor or factors do you ascribe your ripe old age? I have kept the commandments from my youth, and have always lived a very quiet life. My motto has always been "Never to bite off more than I could chew." (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v.4, Ga., pt. 2,570) I suggest that the proverb conveys not only the speaker's general philosophy of avoidance of conflict but also a particular avoidance in this speech interaction. "Biting off more than she could chew" could be, at the situational level, equivalent to talking too openly or revealing any of her personal feelings on the topics that the interviewer has asked her about. We might speculate that perhaps a social level of meaning in that setting had to do with using discretion in behaviors that concerned white society. The proverb in the next example also functions as an avoidance mechanism , allowing the speaker, Air. Henri Necaise, to "turn de tray around" on the interviewer by sidestepping the original question and commenting on a related, but different, topic. Example #5 It ain't none of my business now,whether de niggers is better off dan slaves. I don know 'cept bout me, I wasn' better off. Yes, I did earn money atter I was free, but atter all,you knows money is de root of all evil, ain't dat what de good Book say? When I was a slave I only had to obey my marster an he furnish me everything.(Rawick 1972: S. S. i,v. 9, Miss., pt. 4, 1633) Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 49 The speaker obviously feels that the comparison between slavery and the antebellum South is a dangerous topic to discuss with the interviewer. Furthermore, he seems annoyed that the interviewer has raised the issue, perceiving the question as a kind of trap, a catch-22 in which any way that he answers can prove disastrous. There are several ways of interpreting his response, any of which registers criticism of the treatment of AfricanAmericans . We might consider that he opts for an answer that perhaps many of these speakers believed the interviewers preferred, chiefly because it fit with the popular Euro-American idea that enslaved people favored and were content with enslavement. From this reading of the passage, the speaker is disguising any preference that he might have had for the freedom to earn a wage, citing the proverb to support the premise that money is undesirable, that it in some way spoils human innocence. So, by way of his rhetorical strategy, he effectively avoids making any comment that might disturb the interviewer and manages instead to pacify him or her by presenting the mask that he or she was accustomed to seeing when interacting with African-Americans. This mask is constructed from the social level of proverb meaning that wasfound in the dominant culture, and by foregrounding this meaning, the speaker suggests his docile agreement with it. We must also entertain the possibility that the situational meaning is sarcastic and that the speaker is making fun of the interviewer and his canon. From this perspective, the proverb might be laden with hostility about the failure of the dominant society to provide any viable means for freed slaves to advancesocially and economically. Variety in Proverb Application Although most ofthe proverbs occur no more than once in the texts of these narratives, "Youreap what you sow"occurs no less than six times, used by sixdifferent speakers.Judging from its frequency, we can surmise that itwas one ofthe most popular proverbs amongAfrican-Americans at the time that these interviews were conducted and, perhaps, during the slavery period as well. Its recurrence in the narratives provides an opportunity to examinea wider range of applications than is possible with other proverbs. As I will demonstrate, this variety of applications includes the utilization of social, situational, and symbolic levels of meaning, and not only provides us with information concerning the use of social and personal metaphor, but isalso 50 i93os-i()6os an indication of the kinds of recurrent situations in which this particular proverb was applied. In the previous examples,wesawproverbs and expressions used in speech interactions in which speakers actually address the issue of masked or disguised communication; however, with this proverb, speakers engage in such disguised communication while addressing other personal and social topics. In the first three of these the topics and commentary are decidedly social. The speaker in example#6 applies the proverb negatively to Euro-Americans who have sought to keep African-Americans enslaved. The superiority of divine and natural law over that of human striving is suggested, and the speaker openly indicates a political conviction and a personal anticipation of the "day of reckoning" that is in contrast to the more cautious arguments of speakers in previous examples. Example #6 President Roosevelt is 'nother good man. He has looked down on de poor and 'tressed in dis land wid mercy; has give work and food to de poor people when nobody else would.When he turn dis way and turn dat way, them men up ther wherehe is, try to stop him from helpin' us, but de Blessed Master is gwine to hold his hands up. They ain't gwine to be able to stop him, 'cause he has done so much good in de world. Dat man is gwine to be 'membered by de people always, but them dat has fought him and worked againsthim is sho' gwine to be forgot.Nobody wants to 'member them for de evil theyhas done.Youknows dat if you sows evil you is sho' gwine to gather evil in time. They ain't gwine sow much longer; their harvest time is right out dere in sight, but de President is gwine to live on wid us. (Rawick 1972: S. i, v. 3, S. C., 51) There is little that could be misconstrued in the application of the proverb here. The speaker correlates (Seitel 1960) the "sowing of evil" with the actions of racist politicians and others who would stand in the wayof governmental programs designed to assist and support poor anddisadvantaged citizens. Rhetorically, the proverb comes near the end of a narrative speech event similar to a short sermon, containing poetic turns of phrases and impassioned discourse. It summarizes or serves as the moral of the speech event, and is further explained by the comments that follow it and extend the metaphor of the proverb.4 The grammatical level becomes important in this creative version and application, for a tremendous poetic leap is made from the literal idea of sowing to the image of "sowing evil," and this picture is elaborated upon in the ensuing remarks about "harvesting time." Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 51 The picture of "sowing evil" is an odd one, if we follow the grammatical sense of the proverb, and provides a dimension of humor. Two levels of social meaning are likely to pertain here: that of the dominant culture and that of African-Americans. It is safe to assume that one level of social meaning current in the dominant culture related to religious doctrine, and the application of the proverb by Euro- to African-Americans as a tool for instilling docility is evident from other examples.Also clear from other examplesisone social levelofmeaningcurrent among African-Americans— the justification for their right to a share of the American wealth, services, and goods. Here, the first of these social levelshelps to disguise and protect the speaker. The second amplifies the situational meaning, that those who have worked against Roosevelt will soon wither away. Included in this second level of social meaning, and part of the amplificationof the situational meaning, is a degree of anger, bitterness and the desire for revenge against those who have worked to perpetuate the oppression of African people. The next example reveals even more about the way in which proverbs were used by African- to European-Americans. As in example #2, the speaker is telling the interviewer a story, perhaps a legend that had been in circulation among members of the African-American community since the period of slavery. A pertinent question about such instances is, why is the speaker choosing to relate the legend to the interviewer? While the data provided by the interviewer is insufficient to determine the reason, we can surmise certain possible motivations. The legend is one that demonstrates the recurrent theme of the enslaved outwitting the slaveowner. It further indicates the specific strategy employed by the enslaved man, and this becomes acentral aspect ofthe message. Two componentsofthe strategy are prominent: (i) the use of biblical authority to successfully argue a caseand, more specifically, the use of that authority to defeat an assault that isbased on that canon; and (2) the importance of literacy in pursuing an argument. Example #7 Billy cometo de housemarstersays Billy you preachah? Billy sayyassah. He says, Billy you'se cut dem collads, Billy says yas sah. Fse got some greens. He says now Billy you preachah,git me de Bible and sayd read dis, he shore hates to, but Marster makes him do it, den he shore tares loose on Billy bout stealin,finallyBilly says now Marster I can show you in de Bible where I did not steal, he tells Billy to find it and Billy finds it and reads, "Youshall reap when you laborth." Marster sayd to Billy get to hell outn here. (Rawick 1972: S. S. 2, v. 3, Tex., 606-607) 52 i93os-i()6os It is only logical to conclude that the speaker wasat some level communicating to the interviewer several different things: his pride in his cultural heritage, a culture that had managed to surviveby outwitting the enslavers; a belief held by manyAfrican-Americans since the inception of slavery that they were smarter than European-Americans; an awarenessthat EuropeanAmericans had attempted to use Christianity as a mechanism to instill submission and justify oppression; and the belief that African-Americans were entitled to the material benefits of the American system because they had been the primary work force for production of those goods—whether or not the American legal or social system recognized that right.Allof these sentiments are encapsulated in the use of the proverb. The social meanings discussed for the previous example apply here both in the fictive and in the natural contexts, and the story can be viewed as a discourse on the subversion of canonical texts to engender meaning appropriate for the enslaved, or the emergence of liberation theology. In the context of the story, Billy reinterprets the Euro, social level of meaning and applies it socially and situationally. Socially, slaveswere entitled to the benefits of the system; situationally, he was entitled to the greens that he had grown. At the level ofnatural discourse, both meanings are also salient. Socially, the speakeris arguing the entitlement ofAfrican-Americans in the antebellum period to benefits ofthe system and, situationally, his own right to government assistance. To return for a moment to an earlier point, it is quite interesting to observe this tale being told to a Euro-American. In the context of AfricanAmerican culture, it was very likely a humorous tale, one which served several functions: it provided an outlet for the expression of anger and a mechanism for the criticism of slaveowners and the plantation system in general, and it celebrated the slaves' sense of pride in their abilities to successfully outwit the oppressors and to obtain the necessary goods, to maintain their own culture (see Levine 1977, Roberts 1989). So it would seem a rather bold and even defiant move on the part of the speaker to relate the legend to the interviewer. Perhaps this is permitted by the thin veneer of the story and of fictive discourse in general. Certainly, wewould not expect the interviewer to find the story humorous, at least not in the same way that the speaker would. At the core of all of this, however, is the reinterpretation that the speaker gives to the proverb, the implications of which amount to no less than the reinterpretation of the canon holding the institutions of American society in place. Of note is the consistent Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 53 social level of meaning in examples #6 and #7, while the applications are so different. In one, the proverb has a negative correlation—the sowers are oppressors and the harvest is devastation. In the other, the correlation is positive, first person—the sowers are the oppressed and the harvest is their share of the American wealth. The dynamics of example #7 are even more evident in example #8, in which the interaction preceding the use ofthe proverb isaccessible. It seems that the interviewer has attempted to put the speaker,Mr. Mack Taylor, "in his place" by referring to the religious virtues of piety, long-suffering and patience, a common tactic ofEuro-Americans intended to repress the anger and rebellious spirit of enslaved people and of later generations of AfricanAmericans . Example #8 Howdy do sir! As Brer Fox 'lowed to Brer Rabbit when he ketched him wid a tar baby at de spring, "I 'is got you now!" Fs beenwaintin' to ask you 'bout dis old age pension. Fs been to Winnboro to see 'bout it. Some nicewhite ladies took my name and asksomequestions,but dat seem to be de last of it. ReckonI gwine to get anything? Well, Fs been here mighty nigh a hundred years, and just 'cause I pinched and saved and didn't throw my money away on liquor, or put it into de palms of every jezabel hussy dat slant her eye at me, ain't no valuable reason why them dat did dat way and 'joyed deirselves can get de pension and me can't get de pension. 'Tain't fair! No, sir. If I had a knowed way back yonder, fifty years ago, what I knows now, I might of gallavanted 'round a little more wid de shemales than I did. What you think 'bout it? You say Fs forgittin dat religion must be thought about? Well, I can read de Bible a little bit. Don't it say: what you sow you sure to reap? Yessir. Us fell de forests for corn, wheat,oats, and cotton;drained de swamps for rice; built de dirt roads and de railroads; and us old ones is got a fair right to our part of de pension. (Rawick 1972: S. i, v. 3, S.C.,i57) A number of significant features of this speaker's discourse are readily apparent. The first is the initial application of metaphor to invert the social order and status of the speaker and the interviewer. By casting himself in the metaphorical role of Brer Fox and the interviewer in the role of Brer Rabbit, the speaker reverses the social roles that exist in the real world, becoming the one with the upper hand and moving the interviewer into the 54 i<)3os-i<)6os subordinate position. Becauseof the lighthearted tone of the speech event, any serious implications of this maneuver are played down. A compelling aspect of this initial strategy is the masking of the identity of the speaker, as he shrouds himself in the dramatic role of a traditional, fictive character. Also important is the nature of the role assignedto the interviewer, for Brer Rabbit is the ultimate trickster and can only be captured for short periods of time before he devises some method of escape. It is clear that the speaker assumes that the interviewer is capable of assisting him in obtaining his pension, and the remainder of his discourse consists of his feelings about the government's policy of benign neglect. In response to his entreaty, the interviewer resorts to the familiar rhetorical strategy of referring to the Bible to encourage a submissive attitude. The speaker becomes even more adamant at this point, perhaps reacting in part to the implicit condescension contained in the interviewer's response. He cites the proverb, as does the speaker in example #7, reinterpreting it to apply in precisely the same way.As in other examples, further elaborative and explanatory comments follow the proverb. The social and situational meanings here are identical to those in example#7, asis the rhetorical and argumentative strategy in which the proverb is located. In several other examples of discourse containing this proverb, the application and message are not quite so easy to determine. Example #9, in fact, illustrates several facets of these other texts that contribute to this ambiguity of meaning. One facet is that the interviewers usually had an investment in painting portraits of the speakers that fit the docile images that Euro-Americans had constructed and fought so hard to maintain. In the interest of maintaining these images, much of the speakers' communications are misinterpreted, ignored, falsified, or otherwise presented in a manner so as to make them consistent with the interviewers' objectives (Rawick 1972: S. S. i,v. 2, Ga.,ix—xlviii). This changes the nature of the texts quite dramatically in some cases, from ethnographic to journalistic or even literary, and, in many instances, the comments of the speakers are edited and abridged to illustrate points being made by the writers, e.g., example #9. Example #9 Reflecting the sentimentof the majority of the slaves I have interviewed, she is opposed to capital punishment. She also believes implicitly that a divine punishment is reserved for those who transgressmoral law. As "people sow, so shall they reap," and"it isnot given to manto judgehis Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 55 fellow man," are the two maxims she holds in highestreverence.(Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. 3, Ga., pt. i, 49) The commentary of this particular interviewer is even more suspect when we consider that she has two different accounts ofthe interview appearingin different volumes.5 In one account there is more actual dialogue attributed to the speaker, and in the second account she adds further personal comments to the text of example #9: "Slavery wasboth wrong and right: wrong in that it deprived blackhumanity of the fruits of it's [sic] own labor: right, in that it undertook to improve the negro morally—practically expresses her views on that subject" (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v.4, Ga., pt. 2,488). Nowhere in the text do I find evidence that these are the sentiments ofthe speaker; to the contrary, given the social levelofmeaning reflected in other examples,it is likely that the use of the proverb implicated the injustice of the dominant culture and argued for social equity, no matter what the question to the speaker may have been, and that this is a classic case of the interviewer entirely missing the meanings that the item may have held for the speaker. Unfortunately, because it has been taken out of the context in which it was spoken, there is not enough contextual narration to argue conclusively the meaning that was intended. Two other instances demonstrate that the proverb could be used to support opposite opinions about the same phenomenon—in this case, the existence of hell. These examples also demonstrate, as did #6 and #7, how two speakers can express the same base assumptions or social level of meaning while using the proverb to argue different sides of a more specific issue—the application of situational levels of meaning. In example#10, the speaker is arguing a belief in the nonexistence of hell; according to his argument, suffering and punishment occur before death. Fundamentally, the speaker's argument represents an attempt to makesense philosophically out ofthe slaveryexperience, reconcilingit with biblical tenets.The essence of his philosophy includes several components: God could not possibly require a person to endure slavery and then also to go to hell; if there is an afterlife, it must be a place where the spirits of all persons enjoy equal status; and religion boils down to the sincere observance of compassion and civility in one's earthly life. Philosophically, all of these components fly in the face of the socially endorsed religious beliefs of the time and are implicitly damning of slaveowners and later generations of EuropeanAmericans .Moreover, they are alsorevolutionary in advocatingthe absolute 56 i^^os-i^6os equality of human beings. A distinct feature of this proverb speech act is the additional symbolic level of meaning that is apparently involved. In connection with the social and situational meanings, the proverb seems to carry some deeply personal and idiosyncratic meanings for this speaker. Example #10 What I thinks about religion? Well, now listen, God Almighty give every boy [everybody] de same spirit—the Spiritof God. God ain't made no hellfor us.I beenreadingde Bible about 50years and I ain't found it. God made us for his ownglory. "For your disobedience you shall be stripedwithmany stripes." Dis in de flesh."Religion is de wayI treat myfellow man." "I gwine reap what I sew [sic]" "De flesh is goin be punishedbefo he die,but the spiritbelongs to God, and he goin take care of it." Misses I never done nuffin in my life what I knowwaswrong. My Missus taught me to live right and tell de truf. I's old nigger, and I believesaccordingto de Bible dateverybody goin to sameplace. (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. 8, Miss.,828) Mrs. Ophelia Jemison, the speaker in example #11, does believe in hell, and her discourse is a personal testimony that takes the form of traditional conversion narratives.6 Asin some other examples,the proverb occurs as the summary or moral concluding a narrative speech event containing poetic and elaborate speech. Example #ii Hell one tumble place. What de wicked do on dis ert, it jes lak dat in hell. . . Cussing, shooting, fighting one anodder,but deybeing sperrits caint do any hurt. De fire down her is a big pit ob brimstone, a roaring an' a roaring. When I wasseekingde Lord befo' I conberted (converted) 'e place me in hell to conbince (convince) me. I stay down dere mos' a hour, den I knowed dere a hell. I see de soulsbilingin de pit ob brimstone.Oh! God hab mercyon me soul. Fse a had (hard)believer, nebber did I 'tink dere could be a hell, but I knowed now efyou doan pray hell go be you home. It no flower bed ob ease down dere.What you sow in wicked doings you sure reap down dere. (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. n, S. C. and N. C., 223) Certainly, the speaker isapplying the proverb to support her contention that hell exists, but implicitly to suggest that behavior will be the determining factor in who is sentenced there. This concern with behavior, and at the same time with the purity of the spirit, is, in fact, the place where these last two examples intersect. Just as the speaker in example#10 suggests that an Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 57 omniscient power will judgethe spirit, irrespective of race or social class,so does Ms. Jemison. Despite the differences in focus, the underlying theme is equality of human beings in the sight of "God." In neither example can we be sure of the degree to which the proverbs express social sentiments: no one group is implicated by the speakers' remarks. But we can conjecture that the topic of afterlife wasanother recurrent issue to which this particular proverb was applied. It is possible, however, that the situational inference of this latter exampleis that Euro-Americans are going to hell because they have been among the wicked "on dis ert." The final example of this proverb represents a departure from any of the applications in previous examples. The speaker, Mrs. Hager Brown, is relating a story about the funeral of a community member. Apparently, the son of the deceased woman is found drunk on the porch during the funeral procession, and later overturns hismother's casket during the church service. Example #12 Hager: "I can shout!All the 'Piccolo' I want. Well Francissay,'I yeddy! I yeddy bout duh boy!' Georgia dead and come long wid body, boy out there porch dead drunk!I say,'Here we gone to bury boyMama and boy gone!' Nice caslet. Church ketch fire." (Allshouting—warming up with spirit). "Gin to shout.Boygoneup. Turn he caslet over.Man shill, 'Reap what he sow.' Bible say, 'Honor you Father and Mother.' You reap or chillun reap. What-some-ever you ain't reap—chillun reap." Some look in porch. TakingGeorgia to graveyard. 'Whodatdere?' 'Dat boy.' 'Lie dere dead drunk. Zackie: "Likker'll make you not know you mama." (Rawick 1972: S. S. i,v. ii,N.C.AndS. Q, 77) The proverb functions asa criticism ofthe deceasedparty,implying that the boy's drunken behaviors are somehow the "harvest" of the parent's deeds. We have no way of ascertaining the relationship between the speaker and the deceased,but it isclear from other comments madeduring the interview that she holds this particular family in low regard. In essence, the use of the proverb indicates that the boy's character and actions come as no surprise given the character of his mother, or even of someone in an earlier generation of the family. We caninfer from this application athird recurrent problem or kind of interactional situation in which this proverb may have 58 i^^os-i^6os been commonly used by speakers during this historical time period. This third person correlation is the only instance in which the proverb isapplied to another African-American. An aspect of the social meaning found in some of the other examples—the expression of hostility toward another— also pertains here. The situational meaning, however—that a member of the community who has engaged in somesociallydisapproved behaviorwill experience misfortune—is quite different. In reviewing the examples of this proverb, several observations can be made. The various uses certainly illustrate that the same proverb was applied to different recurrent situations and that in each new situation different meanings were present.The examplesalso demonstrate that,while a proverb may have been used in a very particular immediate context, commenting only on the behaviors of particular community members— e.g., example #12—it could also be applied at a larger social or political level, commenting upon groups or types of people, e.g., examples #6, #7, and #8. Finally, as examples#10 and #i i indicate, the same proverb could be used to support opposite sides of an argument, evenwhen applied to the same recurrent issue. All of these observations suggest the immense range of meaning that a given proverb can have within a given cultural group at any point in time, aswell asthe dangers inherent in attempts to extrapolate meaning without a careful investigation of the particular context in which a proverb speech act occurs. As we have seen in examples#7, #8 and #9, proverbs are sometimes used by speakers as a form of social commentary or criticism, capitalizing on the social level(s) of meaning. This kind of application occurs in the uses of three other proverbs, two of which are used by the same speaker, with another occurring a number of different times in the narratives of different speakers. The speech event in which the first two of these proverbs occur is very different from most of the discourse in these collections of interviews . The speaker, unlike many of those who express criticism in their comments, does not assume any postures or make any effort to disguise his message, other than that afforded by the anonymous character of the proverbs. Neither does he refer to the biblical canon in introductory or closing formulas (a common strategy of most speakers). And finally, the construction of his discourse, including the placement of the proverb in that construction, is divergent from that in many other cases in which proverbs are used. Instead of using the proverb as an established truth, asa Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 59 symbolic referent to collective and societal wisdom supporting his position, he poses the item as a symbol of societal rhetoric, and then deconstructs its logic and truth value. In doing so, he casts the very society that the item symbolizes into a hypocritical and cruel light, undermining its foundation by foregrounding the inherent irony contained in its canonical wisdom and social rhetoric. The strategy here is also different from that of other proverb speech acts that have been discussed in that it locates the social meaning in the context of the dominant society, and dismisses rather than reinterprets it. Example #13 They say a rollin' stone gathers no moss, but I tell you if I wasn't so old I'd be rollin' right now.This is no place for colored people.(Rawick 1972: S. S. 2, v. 7, Tex., 2593) One of the critical components of the proverb here is the introductory formula "They say,"which indicates not only an ambiguous number ofpast generations, but also those who are currently alive, and who in some way represent the conventional beliefs of community and society. The "they" here becomes the object of bitterness and irony and the proverb the symbol of "their" propaganda. The social meaning alluded to in the use of proverb is the positive value of a stable life and the negative value of a wandering one.7 "Stone" is applied to the person and the "moss" corresponds to the accruements of astablelife, e.g., family and property. The speaker's message is that such proverbial wisdomisonly applicableto certain classesand ethnic groups. Efforts made by African-Americans to obtain stability are thwarted by the forces of racism. The only aspect of the message that is unclear is what is meant by "place." Does he mean America? Does he mean the southern United States? Or is he referring to a particular locale within a particular state? The speaker's usage of the second proverb is just as poignant: Example #14 The trouble with peoplehere is they don't know how to treat humanity, white or black. I know the sayin' when you're in Rome do as Rome do. But the Romans got the best of it. (Rawick 1972: S. S. 2, v. 7, Tex., 2 593) Again the proverb points to the irony inherent in the traditional "truths"of a society in which those truths are not applicableto everyone, and again the 6o 19305-1960$ speaker's anger and bitterness are apparent. Asin example #13, the proverb is posed and then discredited in a particular case, thereby undermining the canon from which the proverb comes. This is accomplished not only through the logical framing of the proverb in the speech event, but also by the employment of a subtle, sardonic humor. "Rome" becomes a metaphor for American society, and, as such, is a rich and interesting reference, one which captures the very real position of people who found themselves in a western and alien world based conceptually on classical thinking. More than any other metaphor that the speaker could have chosen, this one emphasizes the cultural dilemma of African-Americans. This performance further parodies the conventional social meaning of the proverb—that one should adopt the behavioralnorms of the groups in which one finds oneself in order to fit in—by drawing a picture of dark-skinned people of a very different cultural tradition attempting to blend into a very white world. Finally, it underscores the political realitythat the behaviorsofan oppressed group can do little to ensure their integration into a society that hasno real motivation to availitself to members ofthat group. In other words, "Romans got the best of it" means that Euro-Americans form the power base of the society, in contrast to African-Americansand others who are barred from significant entrance into that society. It is also possible that the speaker is equally annoyed with African-Americans who are abusive, as he refers to "white or black." This could, on the other hand, be interpreted to mean that both "white" and "black" are victims of oppression. In both proverb speech acts, this speaker is able to communicate his anger and hostility not only toward the system but perhaps toward any individuals whom he might perceive as abusive or toward those implicated by association, such as the interviewer. Although he does not make as much effort to disguise his feelings as some other speakers might, the nature of proverbs affords him some degree ofpersonal distance from the sentiments expressed in them. The third proverb that is applied at the social level is the biblical adage "Every man has to serve God under his ownvine and fig tree". In both instances inwhich this proverb isused,the speakerisconveying the sentiments that African-Americans, like other ethnic groups, should havepersonal and social autonomy; however, there aresignificant variations in the applications that indicate differences in the social and situational meanings from one speaker to another. (We might ponder whether the proverb was used by Euro-Americans and, if so, what social meanings it might have carried Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 61 for them.) In example #15, the speaker, Mr. Jim Allen, uses the proverb to support his contention that slavery was morally wrong, and that the wrongness of the institution is spoken of in the Bible. Example #15 Abraham Lincoln worked by 'pinions of de Bible. He got hismeanings from the Bible. "Every man should live under his own vine and fig tree." DisAbraham's 'mandments. DisiswhereLincolnstarted-"Noman should workfor another." (Rawick 1972: S. S. v. 6, Miss., 13) The proverb in this instance actually conveys more than the idea that African-Americans should not be enslaved; it suggests an independence that would allow persons to be self-employed, self-supporting, self-reliant, and immune to the intrusion of state or federal interest into their personal and private lives. Implicitly, this suggestion, which reflects not only a sentiment that is strongly American but also one which was commonly held by enslaved Africans brought to the shores of America, involves the fair distribution ofland to those who had rights to land, specifically vis-a-vis the promise of "40 acres and a mule," which was a popular element of the emancipation proclamation among African-Americans. The application of the proverb by this speaker, then, is extremely political in nature. Example #16 is, in many regards, inconsistent with the sentiments of Example #15. Example #i6 Even with my good treatment, I spent most of my time planning and thinking of running away. I could have done it easy, but my old father used to say, "No use running from bad to worse, hunting better." Lots of colored boysdid escapeand joinedthe Union army, and there are plenty of themdrawing apensiontoday.My father wasalwayscounseling me. He said, "Everyman has to serve God under his own vine and fig tree." He kept pointing out that the War wasn't going to last forever, but that our forever wasgoing to be spent livingamongthe Southerners, after they got licked.He'd cite examples of how the whiteswould stand flat-footed and fight for the blacks and the same as for membersof their own family. I knew that allwastrue, but still rebelled, from insideof me. I think I really was afraid to run away because I thought myconscience would haunt me. My father knew I felt this wayand he'd rub my fears in deeper. One of his remarksstill rings in my ears: "A clear conscience opens bowels, and when you have a guilty soul it ties you up and 62 i^^os-ig6os death will not for long desert you." (Rawick 1972: S. i, v.4, Tex., pts. i and 2, 189-190) Instead ofprescribing social and political autonomy,the proverb here seems to be used to encourage an attitude of compliance with the established order. It is used in close connection with another expression that sounds proverbial, and is a part of the father's argument that his son should not attempt to leave the South because the North would not be anybetter. He seemed to feel that dreams of leaving were unrealistic, and the meaning of the proverb at the social level is that one should be satisfied with one's lot in life. "His own vine and fig tree" in this application is correlated to the circumstances in which one finds oneself or to the resources that one has been given. The situational meaning is that the man's son should be realistic and prepare for spending the rest of his life where he was. This preparation invariably involved adopting a less rebellious attitude. Throughout the passage, strong sentiments ofloyalty and belonging to the present environment are exposed;in fact, all of the maximsthat the speaker attributes to his father emphasize this point ofview. Though the speaker is not completely in agreement with his father's sentiments, he has complied, and the passage indicates that proverbs could be used to intimidate and discourage flight or rebellion. A noteworthy aspect of that intimidation here is that it is applied by an African-Americanfather to his son. This is significant not only because of the glimpse of information that we can obtain about the function of proverbs within the enslaved community, but also because there is rarely any information availableon the transmission process of proverbs from one generation to another. For this reason, it is not feasible to ascertain the particulars of proverb transmission among the enslaved population in general. These considerations aside, example #16 demonstrates how a proverb that, on one hand, could reflect the most profound nationalistic sentiments could also on the other hand reflect a compliance with the insidious but established social order. It isdifficult to determine whatunderlying messagesthe speakersin these last two examplesmight havebeen intending to convey to the interviewers. In example#15, the obviousmeaningislikelythe one that wasintended, and is supported not only with biblical authority, but with political sanction as well. In order for the interviewer to disagree with the speaker's sentiments, he would havehad to disparage the Bible and the president. Quitepossibly, the second speaker relates the anecdote about his father to suggest that his Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 63 present views are less incendiary than they really are, and, in this case, the social meaning of the proverb may be that which is found in example #15. Proverbs and the Supernatural Aside from contexts in which topics of social import are central, several examples of discourse in which supernatural phenomena are being discussed also contain proverbs. With "Seeing is believing," a number of the previous points that have been made about the functions of proverbs are also applicable. The most notable is the use of the item in two separate examples to argue opposite sides of the same issue. As with some of the other topics that proverbs are applied to, belief in the supernatural is one of the areasthat interviewers routinely questioned the speakersabout, and that frequently elicited segments of elaborate, fictive discourse either describing or relating personal-experience narratives involving such phenomena. For obvious reasons, questions about the supernatural were less likely to evoke statements of political or social content. In example#17 Mrs. Manda Boggan is stating her belief in ghosts and in voodoo, and uses the proverb to support her conviction. Example #17 I believe in ghos'. Seein' is believin' an' Ise seed hants allmylife. I knows folks can be hoodooed, mighty curious things can be done. One nite I wuz gwine to a dance. We had toer go through thickwoods.Hit wiz one o' dem nites dat yo' feels lak deir is somethin' somewhars, yo' feels quir lack an' jumpy an' wants ter look ober yo' sholdier but scart to. Deys alwas' a hant 'round whenhits lak dat. De fust thing us knowed deirwuz a ghos' right in front ob us what looked lak a cow.Hit jes stood deir, a gittin' bigger an' bigger,den hit disappeared. Us run laksomething' wild. I went on ter dat dance but sho didn't dance none, I jes' set 'round an' look on, an' from dat nite I ain't nebergone to afrolican' danced no mo'. (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. 10, Miss., 4) The narration takes the form of a ghost legend (one which chronicles the speaker's conversion from a party-goer to a non-party-goer), and the proverb provides the "moral" of the story, as well as the voice of authority that rhetorically adds validation and credibility to the tale. The tale, however , functions asmuch to validate the proverb. The strategy of the proverb is vastly different from that of some of the earlier examples in which the message ofthe proverb might be somehow appliedto the interviewer. Here, 64 the proverb becomes more a part of the performance of a legend, and may perhaps be a recurrent feature of the telling of the legend for this particular informant. The second occasion ofthe proverb argues for the nonexistence of certain supernatural phenomena. Example #i8 The old folks told ghost stories to the children.They would think about them ghosts every timedark would come.That's how comefolks grow up to believe in them.I am goingto come clean and saystraightout I got no faith in such as that. If them things could be seen I would run across one of them some time or other, but I ain't so I telling you I got no faith in it. I don't believe in them Hoo Doo doctorsneither. I don't paythemno attention when I hears allthis and that 'bout what they can do. I just says to myself, "Seeing is believing." And I ain't never seed. (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v.io, Miss., 5) I suggest that, asin example#17, the speaker's discourse represents a social meaning ofthe proverb and arecurrent wayin which this particular proverb was used: to argue the (non)existence of otherworldly phenomena. Of note is that the situational meaning is opposite in these two examples. In the former, the proverb isused to communicate the message "I believe in ghosts because I have seen them," but in the latter, the message is "I don't believe in them [or in similar extraordinary occurrences], because I have never seen them." The other proverb that occurs in connection with the supernatural is "The straw that broke the camel's back." Once more the segment of discourse in which the item appears is a ghost legend. George Jackson, the speaker, is noted by the interviewer as a raconteur, a teller of "yarns and stories that took place in the distant past" (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. 11, N. C. and S. C., 212), and he distinguishes himself as a skillful narrator, embellishing the talewith extended detailsanddramaticdialogue.The story is a lengthy one about a white man and his family who rented a haunted house in spite of warnings from his neighbors. The man is determined to prove himself "a real man" by confronting the ghosts and not giving in to possible fears. The "hant," however, creates so many intimidating disruptions that the family finally flees the house. Example #19 By dis time de hant had reached de room above them. Over wentatable. After de table noise, he heard a rattle of a tin bucketand footsteps going Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 65 toward de top of de stairsteps.When de footsteps reached de top of de steps, he heard de bucket set down with a heavy bump, like it was fall of water. But de bucket didn't set dere long, for dat was turned over too and down de steps come water and bucket both. Dis last curiousnoise was too much; it was de straw dat broke de camel's back. Business picked up right now.He started for the front door but it was so full of his wife and Jimmie, he was obliged to make himself a door through a side window, glass, sash, blinds,and all. (Rawick 1972:8.8. i,v. n,N. C. and S.C., 212) While the example represents the only one inwhich aproverb (expression) is applied humorously, there may also be a serious side to its usage. We cannot overlook the fact that the speaker has chosen to tell a tale that parodies the skepticism and machismo of a white man to a white interviewer. This facet of the legend is highlighted by some of the speaker's comments, e.g., "I'se a brave man and has a wife and son to 'tect. I'se gwine in de house and be at home wid my family, like a man, hant or no hant," and "He thought it wa sho' good to be a real man and scared of nothing." In essence, it is a tale of a skeptical man who, in efforts to live beyond his means, is humbled by supernatural forces. Although there is no way to be certain of the speaker's motivations for choosing this particular legend, the dynamics of ethnicity and social class are probably significant factors in the encoding and decoding of the message. It could easily be a tale poking fun at and mocking the interviewer through its derision of Euro-American hubris and arrogance. To know with certainty the social application of the proverb at that time in history would help to ascertain the extent to which this is actually a component of the speech event. If, for example,the proverb is one that was used primarily by European-Americans and that was associated in the minds of African-Americans with Euro-American society, mockery in its most biting form would likely be at the heart of this performance.In such a case, the use of the proverb would be the equivalent of the use of "proper English" by an African-American to mock European-American behavior. The Symbolism of Objects and Animals A discussion of the proverb in example #19 leads to a consideration of yet another category of proverbs that are found in the narratives—proverbs that contain images of objects or animals, and that correlate these images with people in actual social contexts. Seitel has noted in his discussion of 66 19305-1960$ Yoruba proverbs that items containing images of animals are often applied in a negative fashion or to criticize the character or behavior of those to whom the items are applied (1969: 153). This tendency seems to hold true in the proverbial speech of African-Americans, at least in the texts of these narratives. There are five such proverbs, and,although the applications of all of them are not clear, the ones that are conform to SeitePs observation. With all of these, the grammatical level is crucial because the impact of the metaphorical meaning relies so heavily on the proverb picture or image that is created in the mind. In "The straw dat broke de camel's back," the camel is correlated to the white man who has alreadybeen parodied in the text and performanceof the legend. Byway of this correlation, he is portrayed as a comic and somewhat tragic figure, one who has honorably and haplessly borne as much weight as was possible and is now falling beneath the strain. The proverb is even more effective because the narrator has previously emphasized the man's sense of responsibility for the care, protection and well-being of his family. (It is also possible that the speaker is correlating the proverb more loosely, applying the "camel" to the tenseness of the situation by the time the water bucket is turned over. But even then, the association of the "camel" with the man is still made in the listener's mind.) This proverbial expression is humorous first at the grammatical level, in the image of a camel so loaded down that a single straw is able to break his back. What compounds this humor is the situational application of the metaphor, depicting the man as a metaphorical camel, carrying the burden of his machismo, arrogance, and perhaps whiteness. Example #20 is recorded by the same interviewer, Mrs. Genevieve W. Chandler, who recorded example #12, and the speaker is the same,Mrs. Hager Brown. Mrs.Brown is relating more about the young man whowas found drunk the day of his mother's funeral. Example #20 He jest wuz lying there drunk. They say half the people were coming by the house and he had two guns (Bendid).Held 'em up! Wouldn't let 'em pass! Sayhe gwine kill 'em all!Sayhe Daddy kill his Mother. Say he murder her and he going to get him!Held up he Ma funeral procession! Some run through the woods!I hear 'em on church grounds.They say, "Ben drunk!" When we all come by, he jest laying there on the poarch. Some say "Call him! Let him come on and see the last o' his mother!" I say, "No, Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 67 man! Let sleeping dog lie!" (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. n, N. C. and S. C,234) In choosing this particular proverb, the speaker in the story is able to accomplish two rhetorical goals simultaneously: to instruct the members of the funeral procession that they would be better off not to disturb the boy and to criticize the boy byreferring to him asa dog. The proverb, then, amounts to name calling, or acurse, resembling in function the strategies of signifying that are used within the African-Americancommunity (MitchellKernan 19723, i972b; Gates 1988). By using the proverb as she does, the speaker characterizes the boy as lazy, dirty, irresponsible, and out of touch with socially approved community norms and behaviors. Again, there is an important link between the situational application of the proverb and the grammatical picture presented. In example#21 an animal image is also employed critically. The speaker, Mrs. Sarah Ford, is reminiscing about some of the people she remembers from the plantation. Example #21 Massa Kit has two brother, Massa Charles and Massa Matt, whatlives at West Columbia. Massa Kit on one sideVarney's CreekandMassaCharles on de other side.Massa Kit have a African woman from Kentucky for he wife, and dat's de truth. I ain't sayin' iffen she a real wife or not, but all de slaves has to call her 'Miss Rachel.' But iffen a bird fly up in de sky it mus' come down sometimes, and Racheljus like dat bird, 'causeMass Kit go crasy and die and Massa Charles take over de plantation and he takes Racheland putsher to workin de field. But she don't stay in defield long, 'cause Massa Charles puts her in a house by herself and she don't work no more. (Rawick 1972: S. i, v.4, Tex., pts. i and 2,42) Like the proverb in example #20, this one functions to characterize and comment negatively on the person to whom it is applied. Underlying the proverbial application is the malice that one would expect from a member of the enslaved community toward another member who was given special treatment or status and who had to be addressed in the same manner as slaveowners and their family members; in this instance, the resentment is felt by members of the slave community toward concubines of slaveowners. At the situational level, an analogy is drawn between the enviable characteristics of a bird (its ability to fly and associations with freedom) and Rachel's social status, but then also between the limitation 68 i^^os-i^6os of the bird (that it cannot live in the air) and the inevitability of Rachel's social demise. The proverb not only dramaticallydepicts Rachel'sdilemma but also characterizes her, fixing an image of her in the listener's mind. She is portrayed as experiencing a temporary and false sense of freedom and an attitudinal break with her own culture. "De sky" is correlated to a high rank of social status and assimilation, and "coming down" refers to the socioeconomic status from which she sprang and to her cultural roots. A similarity between this and the previous proverb is the way in which the correlation of the person and the animal separates the person from the community, drawing attention to characteristics that are asocial and condemned. Regarding the intended communication from the speaker to the interviewer, it must be considered once again that there mayhave been some intent to comment negatively on the behavior of slaveowners and, by association, on the character of the interviewer. More specifically, the proverb may have carried some situational meaning that implicated the interviewer's similarity either to Rachel or to one of the plantation owners. Two other examples of proverbs also illustrate some of these features, although their applications are not quite as clear. In the first, the speakeris commenting on religion, arguing his case that he has always been a good Christian, and then criticizing the efforts ofmissionariesinAfrica to convert Africans to Christianity. Example #22 I went to church always and am a good Christian, and I hope to see my Maker and both my Mastersbecause theywas both good, kind men. Everybody should have religion, but you got to go slow and not try to change the leopard spots quick, like them peopledone in Africa. I don't think they done a bit of good. (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. 3, S. C., 43) While it isunclear exactlyto whathe refers, wecan surmise that the speaker is concerned with the zealouscampaignsofEuropean missionaries in Africa. His use of the proverb is actually an allusion to "Aleopard doesn't change his spots," and as such communicates more in this speech event than is readily apparent. The situational implication isthat it might not be possible for Africans to be converted to Christianity, and that if it is possible, the process would have to occur over aperiod of time, not suddenly.The useof the animal image here also serves to distance the speaker and hisreferential group from the Africans about whom he is speaking, not unlike the way in which the images in examples #20 and #21 functioned. I suggest that Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 69 this is one of the primary functions of this allusion, and that the speaker in some way seeks to impress the interviewer with his religiousness by juxtaposing it with the popular image of less developed people, aswell asby juxtaposing his rewards with those of slaveowners. To what degree this is simply a rhetorical strategy is difficult to determine; however, at the same time that this juxtaposition isachieved, a criticism of European interference in the lives of Africans is also registered. Again, the grammatical level is highly significant, for the speaker is referring to Africans as "leopards," which connotes wildness and savagery and effectively locates them outside of the behavioral norms that identify the speaker's own group ashuman and civilized. "Spots" is thus correlated to cultural attributes that conflict with Anglicized values, beliefs, and behaviors. A fourth example in this category of proverbs contains the image of an object instead of an animal, but some of the same features pertain. In one of the most self-deprecating instances of discourse found in the narratives, the proverb operates to crystalize and magnify the negative characteristics of African-Americans that the speaker expresses. Example #23 Manyniggershave gonenorth to live, sincefreedom, but de mostofthem either comesback south again or theywants to comeback.De north don't suit de nigger. Cold climatelak they has up dere is too hard on him. He has thin blood and you knows dat a thin pan gwine to git hot quicker than a thick one and cold de same way. Yousee a heap of niggers is lak wild animals, in away. He laks to eat a heap, sleepa heap,and move'bout slow. When he goesup north he has to step 'round fas', 'cause if he don't, he gits in de way of them Yankees dat move 'bout quick. (Rawick 1972: S. i,v. 3,8. C.,43) The proverb image objectifies the nature ofhuman beings, not only reflecting superstitious belief (the relative thickness ofblood), but making it easier to viewthe people to whom the proverb isapplied asother than human. The speaker amplifies this sentiment with remarks such as "a heap of niggers is lak wild animals." Again we can observe that the proverb functions to emphasize the separateness of the speaker from others and to comment negatively on those others. One of the most common proverbial expressions that further illustrates the features under consideration is "Root, hog, or die."8 The expression occurs in the discourse of numerous speakers and is generally used to refer to the philosophy of the slaveowners and the plantation system rather than jo i93os-i()6os to express the personal philosophy of the speakers. The speakers, in fact, usually mention the expression in a contemptuous fashion, pointing to the cruel and inhuman treatment of newly freed men and women at the end of the Civil War. Contained in the expression, as in the above proverbs, is the image of an animal that serves to dehumanize the persons to whom the expression is directed. The application of the expression to Africana people emphasizedtheir status asless-than-human laborers, depicting them as property that existedfor the consumption ofthe slaveowners. Indications are that the expression wasused by slaveowners in their speeches to newly freed African-Americans at the end of the Civil War. Typically, plantation owners gathered the freed people together and informed them that they had the choice either to continue working on the plantation or to leave. Should they leave, they would be on their own, receiving no support; they would have to "root, hawg, or die." Example #24 MassaJohn call allde niggerson de plantation'round him at de bighouse and he say to 'em "Now you all jes' as free as I is. I ain't yourmarster no mo'. I'se tried to be good to you and take keer of all of you.Youis all welcome to stay and we'll all wuk togedderand make a livin'somehow. Ef you don' wantto stay, dem dat go will jes' have to root, pig, or die." (Rawick 1972: S. i, v. 5, Ala.and Ind., 41) Airs. Ruby Witt, also from Texas, relates the same story: "I come back to the Witts and master calls up all the slaves and says we was free, but if we stayed and worked for him we'd have plenty to eat and wear, and if we left, it'd be root, hawg or die" (Rawick 1972: S. i, v. 5,Tex., pts. 3 and 4, 209). Though it is uncertain to what extent this became a popular story in oral tradition, its social association is obvious, as is the dehumanizing quality of the expression. It is altogether possible that a social dimension of this item wasits connection with atale that functioned to celebrate the strength and perseverance present in the African-American culture in spite of such horrendous treatment. This has historically been one of the functions of African-American legends and memorates that on the surface might seem only to recall painful memories (Morgan 1980). If so, the telling of the tale in this speech event and the performance of the proverb speech act would be a proud and defiant declaration to the interviewer, communicating not only the positive element of African-American culture, but mocking and decrying the inhumane behavior of Euro-Americans and, by implication, the interviewer. Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 71 Personal and Other Proverbs A number of proverbs in the narratives seem to fall into no clearly defined category, and some of these items are surrounded by too little contextual information to permit a detailed discussion of their possible meanings or functions in speech events where they occur. Other aspects of proverb function are suggested, however, in some cases. As illustrated with "Charity begins at home," there is the strong possibility that there was sometimes a connection between images in proverbs and personal naming, a practice common in parts of Africa (Finnegan 1970: 392; Omijeh 1973; Nwachukwu-Agbada 1991). Example #25 Dey named me Charily, 'kase dey said "Charity begins at home" an' I recken I sho' stay at home mos' of de time. (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. 8, Miss., 1193) In example #26, we discover that proverbs were sometimes considered personal mottos. This is also a practice found in some African societies in a more elaborate form, and, at least among one group, proverb names or aliases are chosen by individuals to express their personal mottos or other elements of their life's philosophy (Nwachukwu-Agbada 1991). We have no further information on how such mottos functioned in slave or ex-slave communities. It is not clear, for instance, whether the individual chose the motto or had it bestowed upon him or her by others. Example #26 In 1926, at the age of 111 years, he died, leaving a largefamily. His motto was "AstitchinTime savesNine"; allhis life he waslaw-abidingcitizen. (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. 8, Miss., i) Example #27 provides us with at least a minimal context and application of the proverb. The speaker, Mrs. Malindy Smith, applies the item to her experience as a young girl taking care of her niece. Even with this small segment of discourse, a rather vivid picture is painted, poignantly capturing the sadness of the situation. We can easily picture the speaker attempting to fill the parental role for which she is seemingly so unprepared. Example #27 The only job I did 'fo de surrenderwasnursin' one my sister's chillun.I was so small 'twas like de blind leadin' de blind. (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. 10, Miss., 1994) 72 i93os-i()6os The next example is interesting in that the interviewer engages in an examination of the informant's application of the proverb. What is not mentioned in this interviewer's short discussion is that the proverb was sometimes used jokingly, either to parody the motif of the promiscuous and seductive preacher or to poke fun at the rationalizations of promiscuous members of the community (see appendix).At the social level this proverb means that aslong as two people are Christian (two clean sheets), engaging in sexwith each other cannot be a sin (can't smut). Example #28 Sin, according to Uncle Rias, is anything and everythingone does and says "not in the Name of the Master." The holy command, "Whatever ye do, do it in my name," is subjected to a very elasticinterpretation by this aged Negro and by others in his community.For instance, he firmlymaintained that "twoclean sheets can't smut"which means that a devout man and woman may indulge in the primal passionwithout being guiltyof sin. (Rawick 1972: S. S. i, v. 3, Ga., pt. i, 74) A proverbial expression found in the narratives, "to smut the sheets up," seems to be genetically related to the above item. At the very least, the expression appears to connote sexual relations; in contrast to the proverb, however, a negative qualityis implied. A situation similar to that inexample #21 pertains here: the Africana womanisaconcubine ofthe white plantation owner. The speaker cites the expression as the woman's statement on intimate relationships with Africana men, and in this context it takes on the meaning of an undesirable or repulsive sexual liaison. It furthermore reflects the internalized racism of an Africana woman who sees herself as socially superior to other Africana people. Example #29 So,when oldMistressdied hewouldn'tlet thisculludwoman leave, and he gave her aswell homeright thereon the place, and sheisstillthereIguess. They sayshe saysometime, she didn'twant no Negro man smutting her sheets up. (Rawick 1972: S. i, v. 7, Okla. and Miss., 23) Proverb #30 is given by the speaker as an item used by EuropeanAmericans , though it is unclear if it was ever parodied or used by AfricanAmericans . It is avariant of "Adead man tells no tales," and gives an ideaof a possible context that wasassociated with the proverb—the secret murder of Africana people who persisted in attempting to escape. Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 73 Example #30 After he had soP oleJohn some lot of times, he coaxed oleJohn off in de swamp one day and oleJohn foun' dead sev'ral days later. De white folks said dat de owner kilt him, 'cause "adead nigger won't tell no tales." (Rawick 1972: S. i, v.4, Tex., pts. i and 2, 230) Item #31 reflects the common belief that Africans were especially attracted to red colors, a belief that found its way into American folklore in the form of atale "motif." The speaker isexplainingwhy African-Americans joined one group of soldiers and not the other. Example #31 Then come Hampton and de Red Shirts. Had they been a black shirt I don't believe niggerswould ever have took to it. 'Dog for bread, nigger for red', they likes dat color. (Rawick 1972: S. i, v. 3, S. G, 194) Several other proverbs are also used to endorse a particular folk belief. Example #32 is, like #31, a rhyming proverb (although the version given by the speaker does not rhyme). Example #32 My old Miss give me a brown dress and hat. Well dat dress put me in de country, if you mahie in brown you'll live in de country. "Marry in brown you'll live out of town?" I quoted. "Dats it, my remembrance ain't so good and I fergits." (Rawick1972: S. i, v.6,Ala.and Ind., 45) A second proverb is given by the same speaker in response to an inquiry about children. Usually associated with a male perspective on marriage and relationship, it is applied here by a female, and is somewhat self-deprecating in that it supports the belief that women "nag" men. It argues that this speaker's deceased husband might have been better off had he not married so many times. Another possible shade of meaning includes an expression of resentment toward her husband or his former wives. Example #3 3 No ma'am,I ain't got no chillun, but Bradfield had plentyun um, Iwas his fouf wife. He died 'bout three years ago and he done well to live dat long wid all dem wimmens to nag him. De Bible sayIt's better to climb on top of the house and sat, den to live inside wid a naggin' 'oman. (Rawick 1972: S. i, v. 6, Ala.and Ind., 45) Example #34 occurs in response to a question about belief in superstitions , but there is little surrounding discourse to indicate very much about 74 19305-1960$ the meaning and application of the item. Generally, the speaker seems to discredit practices aimed at predicting or influencing the future. Example #34 When asked if he believed in a number of signs, he shook his head and replied: What's goin' to be, s'goin to be. (Rawick 1972: S. S. i,v. 4, Ga., pt. 2, 392) Proverbs without Contextual Discourse, Biblical Sayings, and Proverbial Expressions A number of items in the texts simply do not have enough contextual discourse to permit a discussion of their applications, or their placement in the texts leaves ambiguous what exactlythe proverbs refer to. These (all following citations are Rawick 1972) include "What God go lot out for a man he'll get it" [Ifit's for you, you'll get it] (S. i, v. 3, S. C., 63), "Ways of woman and ways of snake deeper than the sea!" (S. i, v. 3, S. C., 212), and "De truth makesyou free and runs de devil" (S. i, v. 3, S. C., 43). There are also numerous biblical quotations, some of which are applied proverbially, while others are not. These include "Lub thy neighbor as theyself' (S. S. i, v. 11, N. C. and S. C., 224) and "Do unto others asyou desire others to do unto you" (S. i, v. 6, Ala. and Ind., 335). In addition to the proverbs in the texts, there is a considerable number of proverbial expressions, some of which occur more than once. These seem specifically to reflect the realities of the slavery experience, and, although they do not function astrue proverbs do to propose solutions, they dohave associations with recurrent situations that arose in the lives of members of the enslavedcommunity. Because the dataon the proverbial speech ofEuroAmericans in the context ofthe slaveryperiod and even in periods afterward is so lacking, it is difficult to determine to what extent these expressions were shared by the European-American community, or to what extent the situations with which they were associated might have been identical for both ethnic groups. These expressions reflect concerns with three basicareas:work, religious worship, and freedom. "Whip to anub" (S. S. i, v. 11, N. C. and S.C., 222), to do something "to death" (S.S. i,v.6,Miss., 5;S.S. 2,v.2,Tex., pt. i, 441), "from sun to sun" (S. S. 2, v. 9, Tex., pt. 8, 3514, 3530, 3537), and "within an inch of his life" (S. S. i, v.4, Ga., pt. 2, 480) reflect some of the harsher aspects of labor during the period of enslavement. The expression "to hoe your row," which Taylor has suggested may be of African origin (1969-70), Proverbial Speech among the Ex-enslaved 75 seems also to mean that one should mind one's own business and "carry one's weight" in a general sense—"Just trust in God and hoe your row and sidestep away from the great temptation, that's what I say" (S. S. i, v. 12, Okla., 111,118).Already, the expression that iscurrently appliedby AfricanAmericans to discriminatory practices in hiring was existent, occurring in a shortened version, "Last hired" (S. S. i, v.4, Ga. pt. 2, 405). Expressions associated with freedom include "free asa frog" (S. i, v.3, S. C., 191), "from pillar to post," and "root, hog, or die." "From pillar to post,"like "root, hog, or die," seems to be particularly connected with the antebellum period, at least as one speaker uses it: "If we hadn't er had ter work and slave foer nothin' we might have had somethin' ter show foer what we did do and wouldn't have to live from piller ter post now" (S. S. i, v. i, Ala., 411). The expression is used to indicate a disenfranchised condition of poverty and bare survival. Another expression grew out of the secretive, nocturnal religious meetings of enslaved people, reflecting a belief that the noises of their meetings would be muted byturning large pots upside down (S. i,v. i, 39-42; Levine 1977: 42). Because of its close association with a context in which enslaved people could drop their masks and engage in forms of behavior that were more culturally affirming, cathartic, and empowering, the expression came to connote these dimensions. "To turn the wash bottom down" came to mean much the same thing as"to get down" does in contemporary idiom— that is,to "let go" and be completely oneself. Ironically, the sameexpression could be used to indicate suppression of such behaviors, as the secrecy of these religious meetings also testified to the oppressed condition of Africana people. Not only African-Americans but also European-Americans used the phrase, and there were two divergent social levels of meaning, one connoting freedom of expression and the other restriction and inhibition. As one speaker indicates, "Massa John quick put a stop to dat. He say, 'if you gwine to preach and sing you must turn de wash pot bottom up'; meanin', no shoutin'. Dem Baptis' at Big Creek was sho' tight wid dere rules too" (S. i, v. 6, Ala. and Ind., 40). Two final expressions that are used in these texts are in current use among African-Americans today. One of these is "to come clean" (S. S. i, v. 10, Miss., 5), which is used rhetorically to mean "to tell the real truth" or to stop withholding information. The second is "to be slack" (S. S. i, v. n, N. C. and S. C., 222), which means either to show a degree of leniency toward an issue or a person or to fail somehow to come up to standards. In concluding, I would like to call attention to several facets of these speech events from the ex-slavenarratives, including the frequency of items and their concentration. Although I surveyed most of the many volumes of narratives, proverbs tended to be clustered in the texts from only a few states. Even more significant is that the speakers who used proverbs tended to use many of them. While these trends may have to do with the predilection of collectors, it may also reveal something valuable about proverbial usage in African-American communities. Perhaps proverbs are used more in certain regions and by certain individuals. The question of proverb frequency has been addressed by Taft (1994), who resolves that there is no formula for measuring such an element. Does the number that I have found in the narratives represent a more infrequent use of proverbs than might be found in other natural contexts? There is really no way of answering the question. In any event, we will now consider examples of proverbial speech in more recent contexts, with the analysis here having provided important background information on some of the functions and ways in which particular proverbs can mean. 76 igjos-iydos ...