July–August 1878
Edison spent most of the summer in the western United States after leaving on 13 July with George Barker to join Henry Draper’s solar eclipse expedition at Rawlins, Wyoming.1 Edison had another reason for this trip. As he told a reporter who saw him off at the Pennsylvania Railroad,
I can hardly wait until I get there. This is the first vacation I have had in a long time, and I mean to enjoy it. I have never seen the country. For the present, I am in the hands of my friends, and I think they intend to go directly through. After we have made the observations, however, I am going further West, to take in the Yosemite, San Francisco and a portion of the coast.2
Before leaving on his western trip, Edison spent several days with Batchelor investigating noise problems on the Metropolitan Elevated Railroad in New York City. This investigation, which was closely followed by the New York press, had been arranged by the railroad’s attorney Grosvenor Lowrey, who knew Edison from his work as Western Union’s corporate attorney. Batchelor continued the investigations after Edison departed.
Edison planned to use his new tasimeter to measure the heat of the sun’s corona during the eclipse. After arriving in Rawlins, he set up his tasimeter in a henhouse and tested it by measuring the heat of the star Arcturus. On 29 July, the day of the eclipse, a strong wind made observing conditions particularly difficult. While the makeshift observatories of the astronomers were little affected, Edison had to prop his up with boards from a nearby lumberyard. According to Edwin Fox, Page 374 who was there as a reporter for the New York Herald, “Edison’s difficulty seemed to increase as the precious moment of total eclipse drew near.” But finally, about a minute from total eclipse, “he succeeded in concentrating the light from the corona upon the small opening of the instrument.” 3 Unfortunately, the scale of the galvanometer was inadequate to accurately measure the coronal radiance. Nonetheless, he told reporters that he was satisfied with the success of his observations and hoped to use the tasimeter to measure stars that were not visible through a telescope.
Accompanied by Barker, Edison traveled for free with passes given him by the railroad companies. Edison later recounted how Jay Gould, who controlled the Union Pacific,
gave me a letter to the various superintendents requesting that I be permitted to ride on the cow catcher of the locomotive at my own risk— In those days the schedule time was very slow, being only 20 miles per hour. The different engineers gave me a small cushion and every day I rode in this manner from Omaha to the Sacramento Valley, except through the snow shed on the summit of the Sierra, without dust or anything to obstruct the view— only once was I in danger when the locomotive struck an animal about the size of a small cub bear, which I think was a badger. This animal struck the front of the locomotive just under the headlight with great violence and was then thrown off by the rebound. I was sitting to one side grasping the angle brace so no harm was done.4
After arriving in California, Edison spent three days in San Francisco, where he was offered the hospitality of the Union Club. He then rode to the top of Glacier Point in Yosemite and stayed at the Mariposa Big Tree Hotel on the other side of the mountain. Next he traveled to Virginia City, Nevada, where he was a guest of the Washoe Club. While in Nevada he visited the Consolidated Virginia mine in the Comstock lode, where he suggested that it would be possible to detect ores electrically. On his return through the Rocky Mountains, Edison went on a fishing trip in the wilderness during which he pondered the possibility of transmitting electricity from the Platte River to provide power for a mine located miles away in the mountains. Edison had bought fishing gear and a Winchester rifle in Laramie City, Wyoming, and he also went hunting with “Professor Barker, professor of physics of the Page 375 University of Pennsylvania, Major Thornburg, several soldiers and a number of railroad officials . . . about 100 miles south of the railiroad in the Ute Indian country.”5 At each stop he met the local telegraph operators, some of whom he had known during his own operating days. Edison apparently enjoyed his vacation and the outdoor life; reporters who visited him at Menlo Park after his return commented on how well rested and tanned he looked. 6
Before returning home, Edison traveled to Chicago to see George Bliss and then to St. Louis for the annual meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. Edison was formally presented as a new member by Barker on the morning of 23 August, and it was announced that he had received the Grand Prize of the Paris Universal Exposition. In the afternoon Edison was scheduled to present four papers: “On the Use of the Tasimeter for Measuring the Heat of the Stars and the Sun’s Corona,” “On the Application of the Carbon Button as the Principle Involved in the Microphone,” “The Carbon Telephone,” and “A New Voltameter.” However, he “could only be induced to read one of his papers,—the first one mentioned. Prof. Barker read the other three for him, and a good deal of discussion followed all of them.”7
Because of her pregnancy, Mary had not accompanied her husband. Stockton Griffin reported in one of his letters keeping Edison abreast of matters at home, “Mrs E’s health is not of the best— She is extremely nervous and frets a great deal about you, and about everything.” Taking Griffin’s advice, she visited friends on Long Island. However, this seems not to have improved her health, and on 16 August he wired Edison, “I advise your coming home at once on account of Mrs Edisons Page 376 health.” 8 Edison replied that he was going to St. Louis and would start for home on the 23rd; he reached home on the 26th.
While Edison was gone, Batchelor had continued to experiment with several recently made devices. He tested and improved the Partrick & Carter telephones, the Pool & Company phonographs, and the quadruplex rheostat. After Edison’s trip, they returned to work on the sonorous voltameter. Patrick Kenny also began working in earnest on a facsimile telegraph during July and apparently produced the first working instrument by mid-September. 9
Besides these ongoing projects, Edison returned from his trip filled with “projects to be worked up for future inventions.” He and his staff were soon experimenting on some of these, including an improvement for duplex telegraphy, resonant tuning forks for telephones, and a chimneyless kerosene lamp. Spurred by his discussions with Barker, who “told him of some experiments he had seen at William Wallace’s place at Ansonia, Ct. & wanted him to go up there & see them,”10 Edison also renewed his experiments in electric lighting.
While Edison was gone, Edward Johnson had begun to market a more expensive phonograph with brass fittings for the Edison Speaking Phonograph Company. He and Batchelor also continued to make improvements to the exhibition phonograph, and following Edison’s return, they incorporated these changes into a new, standard design that was announced in the pages of the New York Daily Graphic. Sigmund Bergmann began to manufacture the new design and Johnson prepared to exhibit it in New York.
1. In addition to Edison, the group evidently included scientists Henry Draper, Henry Morton, and George Barker, Mrs. Draper, and reporter Edwin Fox. The photograph of the group at Rawlins also shows several guests: astronomer James Watson from the University of Michigan and his wife, who were based at a nearby site along the railroad; British pioneer astrophysicist Joseph Norman Lockyer; British writer William Fraser Rae; D. H. Talbot, a prosperous land dealer on vacation; Robert Galbraith, the master mechanic of the Union Pacific Railroad’s locomotive works; a Mr. Bloomfield, otherwise unidentified; and a Mr. Meyers—possibly John Meier, member of an expedition at another nearby site. Frost 1969, 65; BDAS, sv. “Watson, James Craig”; Lockyer 1878; “The Sun’s Eclipse,” New York Herald, 29 July 1878, and “With the Astronomers,” W. Fraser Rae, New York Daily Tribune, 13 Aug. 1878, both Cat. 1240, items 799, 819 ( TAEM 94:303, 317); Rae to Edison, 11 Oct. 1878, Talbot to Edison, 14 Oct. 1878, and Galbraith to Edison, 6 March 1882, all DF (TAEM 16:217, 235; 63:233); “Total Eclipse of the Sun,” New York Daily Tribune, 27 July 1878, Cat. 1240, item 798 (TAEM 94:302). Page 377
2. “Edison’s Latest Inventions,” New York Daily Graphic, 19 July 1878, Cat. 1240, item 774 (TAEM 94:285).
3. “The Eclipse,” New York Herald, 30 July 1878, Cat. 1240, item 801 ( TAEM 94:305). Edison’s account of the eclipse is found in Doc. 1401 and App. 1.A1-3.
4. App. 1.A5.
5. Bill of Louis Miller to Ed. Dickinson, 20 July 1878, DF (TAEM 17:287); App. 1.A4.
6. Docs. 1393 n. 2 and 1395 n. 1; Washoe Club invitation, 9 Aug. 1878, DF (TAEM 15:1046); “Edison’s Trip and Inventions,” New York Daily Graphic, 28 Aug. 1878; “Four Hours with Edison,” New York Sun, 29 Aug. 1878, Cat. 1240, items 858-59 (TAEM 94:338-39).
7. “The Scientists,” Chicago Tribune, 24 Aug. 1878, 3.
8. Docs. 1394 and 1402.
9. See Doc. 1388 n. 6
10. App. 2.
To Theodore Puskas
Menlo Park, N.J.a July 3d 1878
Dear Sir
It may be of interest for you to know that the English provisional protection on the New phonograph patent was filed April 24th 1878 and is numbered 1644. That for France was filed June 7th 1878. For Belgium June 8th 1878. The others I have not heard from.
Parties left here for Australia via England Saturday June 15th.
I ship you this day some telephones via London.1 I think you can get them into France as samples. They are far better than anything which Adams has had, in loudness, and clearness.
I am having ab great controversy with Hughes in which I shall assuredly beat him— The trickery or stupidity, either or both, of Preece is beyond all precedent. You will see by the Tribune of 27th inst2 that Sir Wm Thomson after having seen the Microphone at Hughes’ house in London has pronounced the principle identical with mine and also identical in many details. I wish you would show the matter up.
Professors Angot and André the French observers of transit of Mercury3 who are now in Paris passed a day at my laboratory.
Please pay to Adams some money— I notice by his letters to Mr Batchelor that he does not like to ask you for it, and I have not got a great supply of this needful commodity as I have gone very extensively into experimenting of late on many new and important inventions—4 I hope to be able to send Page 378 you something startling in a short time— I hope to send you a perfect hand phonograph which runs so even that singing is beautiful and you will be astonished at the results from a machine turned by hand.
I think it will be better even than the clock work of Stroh which must give trembling to sounds.5 The new machine reproduces music backwards beautifully and the talking is loud and clear— Please let me hear from you occasionally Very Truly
L, HuBPo, TP. Written by Stockton Griffin. aPlace from Edison’s laboratory handstamp. bInterlined above.
1. The same day Edison wrote George Gouraud that he was sending a box containing seven other boxes, the largest one of which was for Puskas. The others were addressed to La Nature and Count Theodore du Moncel in Paris, the Telegraphic Journal and Electrical Review and the Journal of the Society of Telegraph Engineers in London, and “Industrielle Beige” in Brussels, presumably the journal Moniteur Industriel Belge. Charles Batchelor wrote James Adams on 4 July asking him to see that the boxes for Puskas, du Moncel, and La Nature were delivered. He indicated that the box for Puskas contained “2 new Transmitters (very loud) one box of 22 carbon buttons, one box (small) of carbon silks It also contains one pressure relay with bottle full of carbon, one key and one sounder.” The other two boxes contained “electrotypes of our heat measurer” (the tasimeter). These boxes as well as those to the English journals may also have contained other material supporting Edison’s claims to the microphone. Lbk. 3:311 (TAEM 28:754); Cat. 1238:286, Batchelor ( TAEM 93:206).
2. Doc. 1367.
3. Messrs. Angot and C. André, members of the French expedition to observe the transit at Ogden, Utah, had visited Menlo Park on 4 June. “Notes,” Nature, 17 (1877-78): 370; Batchelor’s memorandum, DF (TAEM 15:750).
4. In a 4 July letter Batchelor told Adams, “Edison said that he would send word to Puskas to have him hand you $150—& charge to his account I dont know whether he has already done so but if he has not I will see that he does tomorrow.” Cat. 1238:286, Batchelor ( TAEM 93:206).
5. Edison may have been reacting to William Preece’s comments during his demonstration of Stroh’s clockwork phonograph before the Society of Arts in London. Speaking of Edison’s hand-cranked phonograph, Preece noted, “you cannot ensure the same velocity of rotation in the cylinder when the sounds are repeated as it had when the sounds were given to it. It requires great delicacy, and a great deal of experience to rotate an instrument of the kind with uniform velocity by the hand, although aided by a fly-wheel.” Turning to Stroh’s phonograph, he remarked that while “essentially the same in principle,” it was
an exceedingly pretty contrivance, there is a falling weight, which, by an endless chain, and two or three wheels, imparts rotation to Page 379 the cylinder, and it has this governor above it, these expanding wings, which, by their resistance to the air, give to the instrument what it wants, namely, uniform velocity. The result is, that when you speak into this instrument, you obtain very nearly a reproduction of the sounds emitted—very nearly, not quite. The instrument has not quite reached that perfection when the tones of a Patti, or the speeches of a Gladstone, or the sermons of a Liddon, can be faithfully repeated; in fact, to some extent it is a burlesque or parody of the human voice. [Preece 1878b, 537]
Notebook Entry: Elevated Railroad Noise Investigation 1
July 3rd 1878
Elevated Railway noise
In1 We find that every joint is made directly on the cross tie
2 We find that in riding inside the car there is there is more noise where there are upright side rails to the road and a great number of cross girders—
3 We find that in most places when the cars go over, the rails sink about ½ inch showing the rails to be lifted up by heat or otherwise.
4 We find that the lattice girders some of which are weighted in middle act as reeds and continue the vibration for a long time after the train has passed
5 We find that the part between Chambers St and Grand St is wide (very) with heavy spans far apart.
6 We find that the diagonal cross rods vibrate strongly
7 We find that nearly all the rails butt together leaving no room for expansion although that might be with the excessive heat today.
8 We find that trains run slower (a little) do not make so much noise perhaps it would be better to stop and start quicker and run slower
9 We find that most of the noise is due to the hammering on the rail joints by the trucks.
Edison and Batchelor 10 hours each2
X, NjWOE, Lab., Cat. 30, 101 (TAEM 6:741). Written by Batchelor.
1. The Metropolitan Elevated Railroad began operating in June above New York’s Sixth Avenue. It quickly aroused complaints about excessive noise, which led to a grand jury investigation in early July and a threatened lawsuit by the Metropolitan Life Insurance Co. Grosvenor Lowrey, the railroad’s attorney, arranged on 1 July for Edison to investigate the sources of noise along the line. Klein 1986, 283; “Noisy Rapid Transit,” New York Herald, 3 July 1878; “The Sixth Avenue Noises,” 14 July 1878, Cat. 1240, items 726, 769, Batchelor ( TAEM 94:254, 281); TAE to Lowrey and Lowrey to TAE, both 1 July 1878, DF ( TAEM 15:877-78). Page 380
On 2 July, Metropolitan Elevated’s chairman wrote a pass allowing “Mr. Charles Batchelor on all trains of this Company, up or down, as he goes on the business of the Company” during July (Cat. 1240, item 809, Batchelor [TAEM 94:312]; presumably he provided a similar pass, not found, for Edison). On the same day, Edison and Batchelor rode the trains and listened from various points on the ground to the cars passing overhead. For several days during the next week they rode trains, walked the tracks and climbed the Elevated’s trestlework. New York dailies reported these highly visible activities and published some of Edison’s preliminary findings. “Efforts to Prevent Annoyance,” New York Daily Tribune, 3 July 1878; “Noisy Rapid Transit,” New York Herald , 4 July 1878; “Local Miscellany,” ibid., 6 July 1878; “Abating the Noise,” ibid., 7 July 1878; “The Metropolitan Elevated,” ibid., 11 July 1878; “Rapid Transit’s Clatter,” New York Daily Graphic, 9 July 1878; “Mr. Edison and the Metropolitan Railroad,” ibid., 10 July 1878; “Edisonia,” ibid., 13 July 1878; “The Sixth Avenue Noises,” New York Sun, 14 July 1878, Cat. 1240, items 720, 726, 728, 733, 736, 748-49, 752, 769, 780, Batchelor (TAEM 94:251, 254-55, 257, 267-68, 281, 289).
2. On 5 July, Edison and Batchelor again spent ten hours investigating the noise problem and found “that there is a sound produced by trucks on ends of rail Also sound produced by wheel passing over every tie as it is much more solid on ties than between and the difference makes noise then again can also be noticed a knock peculiar to the wheel passing over every cross beam these all help to make the roar.” Cat. 30, 101, Lab. (TAEM 6:742).
During early July the Menlo Park laboratory modified Leon Scott’s phonautograph for the Metropolitan noise tests (see Cat. 30, 101 and NS-78-007, both Lab. [TAEM 6:745-47, 7:877]; Read and Welch 1976, 3-6), using it to make a visual, permanent record of sound vibrations (“The Sixth Avenue Noises,” New York Sun, 14 July 1878, Cat. 1240, item 769, Batchelor [TAEM 94:281]). Edison described his modified phonoautograph to a reporter for the New York Daily Graphic:
There is a funnel which gathers all the sounds and conveys them into a diaphragm connecting with a movable straw resting across the orifice. In the end of this straw is a stiff bristle which moves over the face of a cylinder turned by a crank. The cylinder is covered with pearl-glazed paper, and underneath it is a tin box of camphor, which, on being set on fire, covers the paper with a fine coating of lampblack. The funnel collects all the air sounds which, passing through the diaphragm, move the straw, and the bristle makes the record on the lampblack coating of the paper. It traces just such a mark as all pencil [points] do on automatic heat, steam or water registers. To tell at exactly what point the greatest sounds occur, the person who uses it taps a needle point with a fixed spring upon the upper side of the cylinder. He taps at regular intervals, such as the striking of joints or any other time interval which he desires to have synchronous, with the noise recorded, and the Page 382 point shows upon the carbonized sheet the relations of the sound to the time or to the point passed. Then the carbon is fixed upon the sheet by a coating of collodion, and you have a permanent record which cannot be contradicted. It is automatic. [“Rapid Transit’s Clatter,” 9 July 1878, Cat. 1240, item 752, Batchelor (TAEM 94:268)]
On 10 July, Edison and Batchelor calibrated the phonautograph and conducted tests on the Pennsylvania Railroad “for the purpose of analogy” (“The Sixth Avenue Noises,” New York Sun, 14 July 1878, Cat. 1240, item 769, Batchelor [TAEM 94:281]). Three pieces of carbonized paper from these tests are in Cat. 30, 101, Lab. ( TAEM 6:751-53). That evening they used the phonautograph on the Metropolitan Elevated to record the noise produced by trains at different points under varying conditions (“The Metropolitan Elevated,” New York Herald, 11 July 1878, Cat. 1240, item 736, Batchelor [TAEM 94:268]). Batchelor conducted another series of tests between 14 and 20 August (Cat. 30, 101, Lab. [6:754-55]; see also Doc. 1446).
To E. W. Kellogg 1
[Menlo Park,] July 4th [187]8
Dear Sir,
Phonograph Your favor of the 2d 2 was duly [recd?]a and contents noted. I am having [a?]a number of standard [telephones?]a phonographs made which will be superior to any which have been manufactured— They will be first class workmanship and complete in [every?]b respect— I will let you have 1[-]b of them at One hundred dollars [$100?]b each for shipment to China and Japan
Telephone I am also having manufactured a quantity of Telephones— I will furnish them to you in lots of twenty at Thirty five dollars each ($3500/100) This price is for the instruments necessary for one station. I have the rights for the Carbon principle in all foreign countries where patents [are?]” obtainable— The Bell telephone is sold in Europe at Seventy five dollars ($7500/100) for each station. This will give you an idea as to what profit you can ad[d?]a I have first class firms partiesc representing and upholding my interest in Europe and all infringements of the Carbon pri[nciple?]a will be litigated Page 383 in the most short and decisive manner— Col. Geo. E. Gouraud No 6 Lombard St London is my agent for Gt Britain— Theo Puskas represents my European interests—his address is care of Col Geo. L. Beetle No 9 Rue de la [Paix?]a Paris. The Hughes Microphone (so-called) is not an articulating telephone— He has simply discovered, and blazoned forth, that which I worked fully eighteen months to get rid of in order to make the Carbon Telephone a success— I will give you and Mr R. M. Brown3 the exclusive right to represent my Telephone interest in China and Japan and will not knowingly sell instruments of that descripton for export to those countries, providing you purchase them in lots of twenty or more, and providing also that you take an active interest in the business, and use every reasonable means, to insure success— I have a number of applications for this territory and had the telephone been in the shape it is at present, six months ago, it would now be found on the Chinese and Japanese market.
No doubt other telephones will be introduced in those countries but the undoubted superiority in loudness, and simplicity of the Carbon Telephone will push the others out if it is handled in the proper manner— If we conclude arrangements4 I will give you full details as regards the Construction of Telephone circuits;5 An expert in telegraph will not be necessary in putting [up?]a telephones and telephone circuits Very Truly
L (letterpress copy), NjWOE, Lbk. 3:312 (TAEM 28:755). Written by Stockton Griffin. aFaint copy. bCopy damaged. cInterlined above.
1. Little is known of E. W. Kellogg apart from his correspondence with Edison. He was in the business of “introducing American novelties both in China & Japan.” These apparently included products of the Sharp Rifle Co., Gibbs & Sterrett Manufacturing Co., National Bank Note Co., and Pratt & Whitney Co. Kellogg first wrote Edison about introducing the phonograph in these countries on 10 April, at which time Edison told him to write again in two months. He renewed his request in a letter of 13 May. There is no further extant correspondence until Kellogg’s letter of 2 July, but they may well have met in the interim. Kellogg to TAE, 10 and 13 Apr., 13 May, 2 July 1878, all DF (TAEM 15:489, 522, 654, 884).
2. Edison’s letter responds directly to several questions Kellogg asked in his letter of 2 July. DF (TAEM 15:884).
3. Nothing is known of Brown apart from his affiliation with Kellogg. According to Kellogg, Brown was based in Shanghai and Yokohama. Kellogg to TAE, 16 July 1878, DF (TAEM 15:940).
4. On 16 July, Kellogg replied to Edison indicating that he was in favor of his proposal but had to correspond with Brown before making Page 384 a formal arrangement. He wrote again on 9 August, while Edison was away in the West, asking for Edison’s best terms and, after explaining the heavy expenses involved in promoting American products in China and Japan, requesting liberal terms such as those they had received from other manufacturers. Edison made no arrangement with Kellogg and Brown. DF (TAEM 15:940, 1044).
5. See Doc. 1390.
James Adams to Charles Batchelor
Paris July 5, 1878
Dear Sir
Had another comparative test to day between ours and the bell. Col Gouraud was here and he thought like every one else that there was no comparison whatever. Bell has no show. I have got ¼ of a mile of underground wire to lay to morrow and then we will have 5 miles underground and 13 Pole line right from the space in the Exhibition, we try no short circuit tests and anyone that wants too try their telephones with ours have got to try them on that wire. Bailey wont come up too [tune?]a with the Gray but I have no doubt I will get him to try it some of those days. The receivers as you have them works all right on an air line— They are no good on an underground, got to have a stronger magnet and larger diaphragm, the magnet is either not large enough or you use poor steel—out of all the receivers that has come over only four of them has fair magnetism, the first ones that Puskas brought over and three off mine, there is no more magnetism in them than there is in soft Iron— now if you have come to the conclusion as to the standard shape of the telephone send sample over so that Puskas can start to manufacture—it is time they were on the market— send me about 200 carbons. Phonograph draws such a crowd that the break down everything—get inside the space—on top of the Tables and everywhere—so we can only show it once and cover them up until the crowd gets away so as to give some one else a chance. Col Gouraud told me that you had sent him Telephones he is going to Telegraph me as soon as they arrive— He wont do anything with them till I come over and Puskas wont let me go till he has got fairly started manufacturing and gets a man to understand all about them—so I think that I can go to London when the Telephones arrives and come back to Paris again— Microphone business is red hot There is no scientific man here but what sees and says that it is a direct infringement on Edisons Carbon Telephone— I have written a paper that I want to be read before the Academy of Sciences on Wednesday night—1 I am Page 385 given to understand that Preeces is going to make me prove what I have said about him regarding the Hughes matter— I have told nothing but the truth and I am able to stand it—
I saw Edmonds the other day he has since gone back to London. If you have not sent me any money do so as I will need it in London, going to try the Telephones between Paris and Bordeux 400 miles. Puskus has applied for the wire, but we have got no answer from the department yet— give Ellen my kindest love tell her that I am well Kindest respect to Rosa & you. remember me to all yours as ever
There was a man frenchman came to me to day with a new microphone and wanted to try it on my wire— he would not let me see the inside nor would he tell me what principle it worked on enough to say that the diaphragm was two feet in diameter and it did not work, he thought it was very strange that it did not talk good as he had sung to it 4 ft away and it was heard all right
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:891). aIllegible.
1. Adams wrote on 6 July that he had met with Count Du Moncel “about reading a paper that I had prepared for the academy of Science but he says that the[y] wont enter into any quarrels. I gave Du Moncel drawings of experiments with Carbon as far back as I could remember—he says that if you will send over proof of what I have given him, or any legal papers such as copy of caveats or patents—he will take the thing up and see that you get Justice he says that this drawing will Kill Hughes alone.” Adams urged Batchelor to “send all the proffs you can and he will have cuts made and have everything published in full. Du Moncell stick up for you in every way” (DF [TAEM 15:896]). Nothing further is known of this episode. However, the next year Du Moncel made it clear in The Telephone, the Microphone, and the Phonograph that he thought Edison’s accusation was unfortunate and unfounded (Du Moncel 1974, 1438-45).
Draft to the Editor of Chemical News
Menlo Park, N.J., July 8th—18781 a
Editor Chemical News
Allow me to state that the telephonic repeater described by Messrs Houston & Thomson in your issue of June 212 was Page 386 invented by me over a year ago and The one of the manyb forms devised by me was published in the “Journal of the Telegraph” July 15 1877,3 and the Telegraphic Journal of London about the same time.4 M
ADfS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 17:139). Letterhead of T. A. Edison. a“Menlo Park, N.J.,” and “187” preprinted. b“of the many” interlined above.
1. This letter was published in the 26 July issue of Chemical News (38:45).
2. Edwin Houston and Elihu Thomson, science teachers at Central High School in Philadelphia, had presented their findings to the American Philosophical Society on 3 May and published accounts in the Journal of the Franklin Institute, Nature, and the English Mechanic (Carlson 1991, 78). Edison was responding here to their 6 June letter to Chemical News (37:255). Edison also responded indirectly to Houston’s letter in the course of a telephone conversation with Henry Bentley that was transcribed and published in the 26 June issue of the Philadelphia Times (“A Telephonic Interview,” Cat. 1240,. item 719, Batchelor [TAEM 94:251]). Houston responded to Edison in a letter of 22 August, which was published in the 13 September issue (38:138-39) and led to Edison’s reply of 29 September (Doc. 1460).
3. This was actually in the 1 June issue (Doc. 926).
4. This had appeared in the 1 July 1877 issue of the London-based Telegraphic Journal and Electrical Review (5:149).
Draft to the Editor of Engineering
Menlo Park, N.J., [July 8,] 187[8]a
Engineering
Your compiler of Telephone article has given credit to Hughes for just exactly what he suppressed [in my own paper sent you?]b fromc article sent you.1
ADfS (telegram), NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:902). Letterhead of T. A. Edison. a“Menlo Park” and “187” preprinted; date from docket on back. bIllegible. cInterlined above.
1. Edison’s protest concerned the article, “Edison’s Carbon Telephone,” in the 21 June issue of Engineering (Cat. 1029:166, Scraps. [TAEM 25:249]). Edison articulated his complaints in Doc. 1378. Also on 8 July, Edison wrote a formal letter to the editors of Engineering that they published in the 26 July issue above a strong defense of the original article (“Edison’s Carbon Telephone,” Cat. 1032:37, Scraps. [ TAEM 27:834]).
From George Gouraud
London—E.C.a 9 July 78
To T. A. Edison Esq.b
Phono Am just retd from Paris & only time to say O. K. & add that got well acquainted with Puskas who wants me to act for him re. Phonograph in England and has made an agreement to give me ¼ of his share ofc rects. from Exhibition of Phono, if I will succeed in making Nottage divide—1 I must have also Power from you before I can act with proper discretion & effect. So please fwd it imm[ediatel]y2 also say if you will also give me same share of your proportion viz ¼ of? Thats fair, as you may get nothing but I think I can manage him—
That is of Exhibition rects. only— Dont lose any time.
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 19:276). Express note form of George Gouraud; note form is electric pen copy. a“London—E.C.” preprinted. b“To T. A. Edison Esq.” preprinted, c“share of” interlined above.
Anonymous Article in the Scientific American
New York, July [10?], 18781 a
professor edison’s new carbon rheostat.2
In quadruplex telegraphy it is vital to the working of the system to perfectly balance the electrical current.
The common method of doing this is to employ a rheostat containing a great length of resistance wire, more or less of which may be thrown into or cut out of the electrical circuit by inserting or withdrawing plugs or keys. This operation often requires thirty minutes or more of time that is or might be very valuable.
To remedy this difficulty Mr. Edison has devised the instrument represented in the engraving, Fig. 1 being a perspective view and Fig. 2 a vertical section. Page 388
A hollow vulcanite cylinder, A, is screwed on a boss on the brass plate, B. Fifty disks—cut from a piece of silk that has been saturated with sizing and well filled with fine plumbago and dried—are placed upon the boss of the plate, B, and are surmounted by a plate, C, having a central conical cavity in its upper surface. A pointed screw, D, passes through the cap, E, at the top of the cylinder, A, and projects into the conical cavity in the plate, C. The screw is provided with a disk, F, having a knife edge periphery which extends to the scale, G, and serves as an index to show the degree of compression to which the silk disks are subjected.3
The instrument is placed in the circuit by connecting the cap, E, with one end of the battery wire and the plate, B, with the other end.
The principle of the instrument is identical with that of Mr. Edison’s carbon telephone. The compression of the series of disks increases conductivity; a diminution of pressure increases the resistance. Any degree of resistance within the scope of the instrument may be had by turning the screw one way or the other.
In this instrument the resistance may be varied from 400 to 6,000 ohms, and any amount of resistance may be had by increasing the number of silk disks.
PD, Sci. Am., 39 (1878): 35. In Cat. 1240, item 763, Batchelor (TAEM 94:277). aDate not that of publication.
1. Scientific American usually appeared about 10 days before the date of publication; this appeared in the 20 July issue.
2. Laboratory time sheets for George Jackson and John Kruesi show work on the “Quadruplex Rheostat” on 10 and 11 June respectively, and an account book entry for this instrument begins on 14 June. The next entry is on 26 July, suggesting that this instrument was finished in June. DF (TAEM 17:625); Cat. 1185:206, Accts. (TAEM 22:649).
3. Apparently this adjustment was not sufficiently sensitive and on 27 July, Batchelor asked Kruesi to “make one carbon-silk resistance box like first made, but with scale on side.” Kruesi finished this instrument on 8 August and Batchelor experimented with it on 15 August. At that time he noted that “to make a resistance box of carbon silks to work from 1000 to 10 000 ohms it is necessary to put on a micrometer attachment as the best dead lift I can get is only 3/32 of an inch.” The following day, an account book entry was begun for the “Quad Reostat New Style.” NS-78-003, Lab. (TAEM 7:72, 780); Cat. 1317:65, Batchelor (TAEM 90:689); Cat. 1185:267, Accts. (TAEM 22:675).
To the Editor of the English Mechanic
Menlo Park, N.J., U.S.A., July 11, 1878a
mr. edison’s reply.
Ib hope you will be able to afford space * for the publication of my reply to the telegram of Messrs. Preece and Hughes, printed in your issue of June 28. The reply is printed in the New York Tribune of June 27, 1878.1 I notice an article in the same number headed “Who Invented the Microphone?” Allow me to state that the writer has evidently obtained the technical information from Engineering, to whom, at my request, Mr. Prescott sent proofs and cuts of that portion of his work on telephony descriptive of my carbon telephone.2 The article as published in that journal has been mutilated, and credit is given Prof. Hughes for exactly what has been suppressed from the proofs sent. Your article, however, contains one short sentence, which did not appear in Engineering, which nullifies one of the distinctive claims of Prof. Hughes. I quote:—“The inflexible plate of course merely serves, in consequence of its comparatively large area, to concentrate a considerable portion of the sonorous waves upon the small carbon disc. A much greater degree of pressure for any given effort on the part of the speaker is thus brought to bear on the disc than could be obtained if only its small surface alone were used.”
Beneath this sentence the writer says:—“Let it be remembered that in the microphone there is really no diaphragm at all, and it is clear that Mr. Edison has written under a misapprehension, for his inflexible plate is, to all intents and purposes, a diaphragm.”
The words that I have italicised surely mean, if they mean anything, that I did just what Mr. Hughes claims as a distinctive feature—i.e., talk directly against the carbon. But, finding the results improved by adding the plate to concentrate the waves upon the disc, I adopted it as a practical improvement, especially as it prevents the spittle from being absorbed in the carbon.
The following paragraph was suppressed by the writer in Engineering. “* * *I discovered that my principle, unlike all other acoustical devices for the transmission of speech, did not require any vibration of the diaphragm—that, in fact, the sound waves could be transformed into electrical pulsations without the movement of any intervening mechanism .”3
Again, the writer in your paper says that Mr. Hughes “went very much farther and beyond (Edison) by discovering that all conducting substances may be employed with ‘equal success.’” Page 390
I quote another paragraph suppressed from Engineering:— “Mr. Edison has found, however, that plumbago, hyperoxide of lead, iodide of copper, powdered gas retort carbon, black oxide of manganese, amorphous phosphorus, finely divided metals, and many sulphides may be used. Indeed, tufts of fibre, coated with various metals by chemical means, and pressed into buttons, have also been employed, but they are all less sensitive than lamp-black, and have consequently been abandoned.”4
Now, if Prof. Hughes has found any other substance not included in this list that may be used with “equal success,” I should like the name of it; but, above all, I should be happy to learn for what purpose the paragraphs quoted here were suppressed by the compiler of the article in Engineering on my carbon telephone.
*We have already referred to Mr. Edison’s reply on p. 433, again mention it this week.5
PL, English Mechanic, 27 (1878): 497. In Cat. 1240, item 814, Batchelor ( TAEM 94:314). aDate not that of publication. bPreceded by item number 14625.
1. Doc. 1367; see also “Edison and Hughes,” Cat. 1240, item 699, Batchelor (TAEM 94:241).
2. The article “Who Invented the Microphone” appeared on p. 381. Regarding Engineering see Doe. 1375 n. 1. The “proofs and cuts” to which Edison referred were from Prescott 1878c.
2. See Doc. 1375 n. 1. The “proofs and cuts” to which Edison referred were from Prescott 1878c.
3. Prescott 1878c, 226. Engineering attributed this discovery to Hughes, who “employs no diaphragm at all, the sonorous vibrations in his apparatus acting directly upon the conducting material or through whatever solid substance to which they may be attached.” The Engineering writer concluded that in Edison’s telephone, “the diaphragm is the ruling genie of the instrument. Professor Hughes, however, has through his great discovery been enabled to show that variations of resistance can be imparted to an electrical current not only without a diaphragm, but with very much better results where no such accessory is employed.” “Edison’s Carbon Telephone,” Engineering, 21 June 1878, Cat. 1029:166, Scraps. (TAEM 25:249).
4. Prescott 1878c, 38. Engineering had presented Edison’s choice of carbon as the selective application of a general principle found by Hughes: “The discovery of Professor Hughes is, that all conducting substances may be employed with equal success.... It will thus be seen that Mr. Edison’s discovery is but a special case of the larger and more comprehensive discovery of Professor Hughes.” “Edison’s Carbon Telephone,” Engineering, 21 June 1878, Cat. 1029:166, Scraps. (TAEM 25:249).
5. This was in an editorial, “A Receiving Microphone,” in the 12 July issue; see also the letter from Hughes on p. 422.
From Norman Miller
New York July 11th, 1878.
Friend Edison,
I have been at times a good deal of a bother to you, but be patient, it will not last long.
I am glad to know—as I well do—that at other times I have been able to do you valuable service in the right manner, and at the important time and place.1
I wish that ita could have been at all times better done, and that it might have continued without break.
I wish to thank you now for your many and continued acts of kindness, and of compensation to me, and to assure you how satisfactory it is to me, as one of your oldest friends, to look forward to what I believe to be a bright and successful career of fame and prosperity that is now immediately before you—
May you live long to fill up its full measure of usefullness, and to enjoy with your family its rewards.
In connection with the thought of it, my mind always goes back to our dear dead friends, the “General” and “President,”2 and I think how heartily they would congratulate you, were they living, and how much they would enjoy in saying— each in their hisa “emphatic” way—to “the rest of mankind”—“ we expected it all, and told you so.” Respect to their memory, and one of their enduring monuments is theirthis faith withb which they “backed” you “till the “wilderness was passed.”
I know how pressed for time you must before leaving for Colorado, but hope that you will be able to give me the formula for “Dupl. Ink,” and such instructions as may be in your mind— Also confidentially the terms on which Bliss holds it under contract, and I will make him a fair offer to take the stock off his hands, and will then “run the business” so that you will get returns.3
I cannot see as he ever intends to make you any—and if he declines my fair offer—after what you said to him—I will be justified in going ahead on my own account.
Since you asked me if “$15. a week would do me,” on account of the $1000. that we thought ought to come out of Accoustic, etc contracts &c that finally run into Telephone, and I said “yes, make it but $10. and it will last longer” we have not “figured up” the aggregate sgiven me from time to time.
You have been exceedingly generous, and I can never forget any part of your kindness.
I hope that without fee or other reward, than the satisfaction of doing what may fall in my humble and obscure way— Page 392 that I may yetb be ofc some very private service to you—
Now to close the entire question of compensation—or perhaps I should rather call it of generous consideration bestowed, or to be bestowed upon me I wish to ask this,—which falls short of the $1000. named above, and which shall be final.
$100. now will do me more good to carry out your good advice and intentions than twice that sum scatteredb along.
I think that I know quite well that you cannot spare any such amount on the eve of your absence for three weeks. But what I want you to do is to let me have
say in cash | $15. |
Acceptance 30 days | 40. |
“ 60 “ | 45. |
or 2 Acceptances of $50 each at 30 and 60 days. The latter will answer, butb the first will do better.
Or $10. and a single acceptance for $90. at 2 mos. if it looks easier and safer to you—4
My dear friend it will save a man that would have had a salary of more than that monthly from May 1st5—but you know why not—and will set him “going right.” Truly yours
ALS, NjWOE, DF [TAEM 15:920). aInterlined above. bObscured overwritten letters. c“be of” interlined above.
1. For Miller’s assistance to Edison see TAEB 1:499 n.1, 513–14, 3:182 n. 4, 334 n. 3; Docs. 282, 284, 288, 292, 296, 303, 316, 338, 348 n. 23, 694, 695, 786, 788, 913, 993, and 1142.
2. That is, Marshall Lefferts and William Orton.
3. See TAEB 3:203, 289; Docs. 825, 831, 836, and 912.
4. Edison gave Miller a two-month note for $80 which Miller presented to Grovesnor Lowrey and his law partner Charles Stone after it came due. They advanced Miller the money and he wrote Edison on 29 September asking him to take up the note. DF (TAEM 16:164).
5. In 1873 Miller had apparently embezzled $42,066.85 (including interest on the stolen money) while serving as treasurer of Gold and Stock Telegraph Co. Miller turned his home over to the company, which paid the $9,000 mortgage while Miller continued to occupy it without paying rent. At the time Miller wrote this letter to Edison, the company was planning to eject him from the property and obtain a judgment “so that if he should ever become worth anything the debt could be collected.” G&S Executive, 190.
From George Barker
Brookfield Center Ct. July 12. [1878]
My dear Edison:
We leave New York by the Penns. R.R. on the 8:30 train Saturdaya (tomorrow) evening. (Pacific Express) Please be on hand. Arrangements for tickets and for Pullman car all made.
Draper1 writes me that you have got passes for us to San Franciso. Am very much obliged and think we will have a good time. Don’t fail to instruct Batchelor to send to me, care J. K. Rees2 St. Louis, a box containing your newest things, telephone, tasimeter, rheostat etc involving the carbon button, for the paper I am to prepare for you to read at the Am. Association for the Advancement of Science there the 21st of August.3
I shall leave here at 11 tomorrow morning and shall be at Dr. Draper’s 271 Madison Ave. at 3 p.m . Yours truly
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:929). aObscured overwritten letters.
1. Edison had met Henry Draper, professor of chemistry and natural science at the University of the City of New York (now New York University), a year earlier. See Doc. 967.
2. Probably Columbia University astronomer John Rees. DAB, s.v. “Rees, John Krum.”
3. Edison did not leave Chicago for St. Louis until the night of 21 August. Two days later he briefly discussed the carbon principle, but apparently only presented a formal paper on the tasimeter, which he prepared with assistance from Barker. After Edison left the meeting, Barker “presented as well as I was able the question of the microphone for you.” Docs. 1401, 1404, and 1406; Barker’s undated notes and Barker to TAE, 2 Sept. 1878, both DF ( TAEM 19:432; 16:5).
James Adams to Charles Batchelor
Paris July 12th 78
Batch.
Have at last got cable finished from our space so that I can connect to any part of france telephones work red hot. I suppose you will be thinking it is about time I know I do. Grays Telephone wont work at all Phelps does work—but not as good as the Bell telephones that Gower1 brought from Boston. Bailey showed the Phelps telephone to some newspaper men and telegraph men but I believe it was represented as the Gray I asked Haskins 2 for a Gray to see how it would do for a receiver for ours but he said it was no use they would not work that they were all out of adjustment Showed our telephone to the American Commission today on an 18 mile Page 394 wire and the most delicate whisper could be heard. It is a decided success the receivers that I use will lift their own weight That is the weight of the whole telephone The magnet I make 4 parts I only use such receiver where I have got under-ground wire to contend with I am going to get the quad on monday I will put one end up in our space in anda the other in the Countryb office.3 Pope tried to get it but could not.4 I am very glad that I have got them as lit will fill up our space nicely. We have a man for the other end of telephone that speaks 4 languages so everyone can get a chance to listen to Telephone I say how is it that you said that McLaughlin had gone to Australia I find that he is in London at the present there is something strange about it that I cant as yet see through. I read a letter from London that was not intended for me to see it ran thus “Mac is in London if there is any letters comes for him addressed to my care put them out of sight and dont breath to a living soul on earth that he is here.c He will very likely come to Paris with me.” That letter was written by Beetle who is now in London to Doctor—5 I dont understand it as yet.
L (transcript), NjWOE, DF (TAEM 19:869). Written by Stockton Griffin. aInterlined above. bObscured overwritten letters. cOverstruck quotation mark.
1. Frederic Gower, who had managed Alexander Graham Bell’s telephone lectures since 1877, held the Bell Telephone Co. agency for New England outside of Boston. In 1878 he went to France on behalf of the Bell telephone, but subsequently patented his own minor variation, promoting it as the “Gower system.” Bruce 1973, 227, 235, 246.
2. Charles Haskins, a friend of George Bliss’s, was general superintendent of the Northwestern Telegraph Co. in Milwaukee and general agent of the Bell Telephone Co. in the Northwest. He had written Edison on 2 April asking to see him before leaving for the Paris Universal Exposition at the beginning of May. DF (TAEM 18:451).
3. Nothing is known of this location.
4. Cornelius Herz had refused to show the quadruplex at the Paris Exposition and Edison had asked Prescott in a 24 June letter to “write an order that I can send it to Adams and have the quadruplex placed in our space in the Exposition” (Lbk. 3:305 [TAEM 28:749]). Pope may have tried to circumvent this order, perhaps by attempting to make the quadruplex part of the Western Union exhibit and thereby associate it with the company’s electricians rather than with Edison.
5. Dr. P. F. Kern (see Doc. 1387).
Paper for the American Association for the Advancement of Science 1
Menlo Park, N.J., July 13, 1878.a
The Sonorous Voltameter
The sonorous or bubble voltameter consists of an electrolytic cell with two electrodes, one in free contact with a standard decomposable solution and the other completely insulated by vulcanized rubber except two small apertures, one of which gives the solution free access to the insulated electrode, and the other allows the escape of bubbles of hydrogen as they are evolved by electrolysis. With a given current and a given resistance a bubble is obtained each second, which is seen at the moment of rising and which at the same time gives a sound when it reaches the air. The resistance may be reduced so as to give one bubble in one, five, ten or fifty seconds, or in as many hours. I have compared this instrument with the ordinary voltameter2 and find it much more accurate. By the use of a very small insulated electrode and but one aperture, through which both the gas and water current must pass, great increase of resistance takes place at the moment when the bubble is forming; and just before it rises, a sounder magnet included within the battery circuit opens, closing again when the bubble escapes, thus allowing by means of a Morse register the time of each bubble to be recorded automatically.3 This apparatus, when properly made, will be found very reliable and useful in some kinds of work, such as measuring the electro-motive force of batteries, etc. By shunting the voltameter, and using a recorder, it becomes a measurer not only of the current passing at the time, but also of that which has passed through a circuit from any source during a given interval.
PD, Am. J. Sci. 3rd ser. 16 (1878): 379-80. Preceded by “Art. XLVIII.” aDate not that of publication.
1. The editor of the American Journal of Science noted that this was read at the St. Louis meeting of the Association. (It was actually read by George Barker; see Docs. 1401 n. 1 and 1406 n. 6.) It was also published in 1879 in the Association’s Proceedings of the August 1878 meeting (27:112).
2. At that time, a standard voltameter measured current strength by passing the current through dilute or pure sulfuric acid and measuring the volume of gas evolved. Prescott 1877, 157-61.
3. For a few days following Edison’s return from St. Louis, he and Batchelor conducted further experiments with the voltameter and designed alternative methods of passing the gas bubbles from the electrode and amplifying their sound. NS-78-012, Lab. (TAEM 7:934-40).
4. On 26 June, Union College in Schenectady, N.Y., had conferred upon Edison an honorary Ph.D. Union College to TAE, 28 June 1878, Miller (TAEM 28:1130).
Telegrams: To/From John Daly
July 15, 1878a
Menlo Park, N.J.b
Dr Dailey
My boy1 very sick bowel complaint Please come quick bring medicine answer
T. A. Edison
Will be there directly
L (telegrams), NjWOE, DF (TAEM 17:571). Letterhead of T. A. Edison. aDate from document, form altered. b“Menlo Park, N.J.” preprinted.
1. Thomas Alva Edison, Jr.
2. This message was probably sent by Stockton Griffin; Edison had left two days earlier for Rawlins, Wy.
3. This answering message was written at the bottom of the page containing the original message to Daly.
4. Nothing further is known of John Daly, a Rahway physician. The correct spelling of his name is uncertain, but he was listed as Daly in the 1880 census and in this telegram, the only one sent directly by him. Stockton Griffin consistently spells his name Dailey (see Docs. 1524 and 1525). U.S. Bureau of the Census 1970, roll 801.
J. J. Dickey to Division Superintendents and Train Dispatchers, Union Pacific Railroad Co.
Omaha, Neb., July 17 1878a
To Div Supts & Train Dispatchers & Conductors U.P.R.R.
This will introduce Mr Edison the celebrated inventor & telegrapher—
Please permit him & members of his party to ride on the Locomotive or where else they may desire—
Mr Dillon1 Prest bespeaks for him every courtesy of the Road and I shall especially esteem any attention you may be able to show him—2 Very Respy
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:950). Letterhead of Union Pacific Railroad Co. Telegraph Department. a“Omaha, Neb.,” and “187” preprinted.
1. Sidney Dillon had been the primary contractor for construction of the Union Pacific. He became the railroad’s director and president in 1874. DAB, s.v. “Dillon, Sidney.”
2. Dickey wired railroad operators to “Send all messages of Mr Thos A. Edison free.” He also arranged for E. Dickinson, superintendent of Union Pacific’s Laramie Division, to meet Edison’s train in Rawlins. On 19 July, Dickinson wrote out a pass for “Thos A. Edison & party between Ft Steele & Creston good for 12 days.” This is a distance of about fifty miles, near the middle of which is Rawlins. Dickey to Union Pacific operators, 17 July 1878; Dickey to TAE, 18 July 1878; E. Dickinson to Laramie Division conductors, 19 July 1878; all DF (TAEM 15:949, 951, 971); see also App. 1.A5.
3. A former Western Union telegrapher, J. J. Dickey became superintendent of the Union Pacific telegraph department in 1869. Taltavall 1893, 38.
Frotn George Gouraud
London—E.C.a 18 July 1878.
To T. A. Edison Esq.b
Preece controversy— I saw Preece at his request— He was anxious to convince me of your entire and as he expresses it, “unaccountable error” He feels greatly grieved and is confident that you will in the end see your mistake— He was anxious to convince me of his entire right in the question— I emphatically declared that I should take no sides in the question personally— I told him that you evidently felt that you had indisputable grounds for your suspicion and your charge and that you had taken measures to substantiate the same by documentary evidence which would be duly forwarded to your Counsel here— Upon this, you would stand or fall— That it would be finally no question of opinion— I sincerely trusted Page 398 you would find yourself mistaken— Obviously, the result most to be hoped for— ias, if you were right he would be damned, whereas if you were wrong, you would have only made a mistake which you could fully amend by such a retraction I felt sure you would make— He read me two letters from Hughes and one from Thomson which I thought you might like to see— Of these, he gave me the copies hereto annexed. 1 When your documentary evidence referred to comes forward—I shall place it in the hands of the best Counsel for their opinion—and if the same sustains your charge, the whole thing shall be given to the press—and that will be your vindication— I am sure this course you will approve and that you will appreciate the wisdom of my abstaining from any part in the controversy— I told Preece that there seemed some doubt as to Adams having received fair-play— He repudiated the insinuation and declared that he had no interest whatever in anybody’s Telephone—nor would have—that no Telephone yet seen, Bells, Grays, or anybody’s was practicable or satisfactory—that he had publicly stated his opinion that yours was the most likely to be practicable— He is “anxious to seec yours” and begs me to believe that every facility will be at my command in the Post office— I thanked him for this, and said I should certainly call upon him if it were necessary— I shall however have the private lines, as indicated in mine of yesterday—2
Megaphone— Send me everything concerning this— and one of them with least possible delay— Leave to my judgment the selection of scientists best adapted in all our interests for bringing the thing before the public— Preece has had glory enough! We’ll give somebody else a turn!
Toy Phonograph— Send me one of these as soon as possible—
Inventions generally— I think we had better have an understanding with regard to my participation in the results of negotiations in your behalf applying generally to anything you may be good enough to send me— I think half— I furnishing all the expenses of negotiation and patents &c— The fair thing would be one half— What do you say?
Telephones— You will notice in Hughes’s letter re microphone controversy that he distinctly declares your receiver to be a direct infringement of Bell’s patents— 3 Send me at once, everything you have to say on this subject personally, as well as everything there is to be said or has been, as shewn by printed matter— I understand that immediately we move in this matter Page 399 they intend to serve an injunction upon us— So we must be fore-armed— I understand from you that the receiver is free? Give me the documentary evidence on this point.
ADDENDAd
London—E.C.a 18 July 78. 4
Box by express referred to in yours of 3rd inst received this morning all the packages for London are delivered—5 Mr Puskas being here, I have placed that addressed to himself in his own hands— He goes to Paris tomorrow taking it with him
Your Contract with Puskas— You promised to send me a copy of this— I trust you will do so without delay—as he has been spending some time with me—the result of which is my possibly joining him in his Continental business—and it may come about that I shall purchase an interest in his interests with you— It would save much trouble if I could know exactly what his Contract with you is— Apropos of this, he is very anxious to have me interested in the Nottage Contract—as he does not get on with Nottage— His recent interviews have been very unsatisfactory— He cannot get Nottage to admit that his receipts from exhibitions amount to anything— What is still more important, he cannot get him to admit your right to any share in them. In view of all this, he has made me one half of his a proposition to sell me one half of his interest in the Nottage Contract which I understand to be 1/3rd of all you get under that Contract— He asks me £500 for this—which is equivalent you see to 1/6th Interest— This is about half the amount you propose to charge me for a share in yours—recently named at £1000 for 1/5th— Now in view of the inducements which persuade Puskas to consider it desirable to sell me half of his interest for the amount named I submit to you that it is equally important in your interest—and I, in view of this, make you the proposition that if you will sell me the 1/5 of your interest for £500—I shall then feel disposed to accept Puskas’s proposition— If you assent to this, please cable me the word “Nottage”8 and I shall at once proceed in the matter— Puskas proposes to give me from himself the same power which you have given him as towards Nottage; but it would be altogether preferable if you accompanied it with a like power from yourself—
Page 400
LS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:952). Express note forms of George Gouraud; note form is electric pen copy. a“London—E.C.” preprinted. b“To T. A. Edison Esq.” preprinted. cInterlined above by Gouraud. dAddenda are LS, on express note form of George Gouraud.
1. Stockton Griffin re-copied these letters and sent them to Edison, probably on 29 July when he wired: “Send today foreign letters care Frank B Rae Telegraph Office San Francisco.” Griffin to TAE, 29 July 1878, and his undated marginalia on the Thomson transcription, both DF ( TAEM 15:1005, 962).
Thomson’s 12 June letter to Preece is a response to Doc. 1347 (see n. 1). The first letter from Hughes to Preece, dated 8 April 1878, concerned early experiments with the microphone. In the second, written on 30 April, Hughes asked Preece to judge whether the microphone worked by “molecular action” or a different principle. He offered to show him “for the first time the microphone (please suggest a good name for such an instrument) by which you can hear tones or sounds too feeble to be appreciated by the ear alone. If I can catch a fly you will hear him walk over the piece of wood as a horse crossing a bridge—a peculiar tramp, peculiar to Mr Fly alone.” Transcriptions of Hughes to Preece, 8 and 30 April 1878, DF ( TAEM 15:958, 960).
2. Gouraud wrote that he had a “private wire ready connecting office with Picadilly 3 miles & will have connexion also with Liverpool, & Glasgow or Edinburgh.” The date on this letter is unclear; Stockton Griffin transcribed it as 15 July. Gouraud to TAE and transcription, both DF (TAEM 19:872, 873).
3. In a 29 June letter to the New York Tribune, David Hughes wrote that “the Edison receiver was identically the same as Professor Bell’s, the only difference being that the natural magnet was brought round so as to touch the diaphragm; in fact, it was so transparent a device to infringe Bell’s patent that the Bell Company at once said they would not permit its use.” Hughes also said of the Edison transmitter that its diaphragm consisted of the “same form and materials as Professor Bell’s” and that “it was complicated, required not only the use of batteries, but induction coils, and the results were not superior to those of Professor Bell’s, against which it was tried in my presence.” Gouraud had probably seen a version of this letter in the 5 July issue of Engineering, which indicated that Hughes sent it to “the leading scientific journals of this country and the United States.” Cat. 1240, items 759, 790, Batchelor (TAEM 94:273, 297).
4. This was apparently written initially as a separate letter but then paginated as a continuation of the preceding letter.
5. Gouraud probably meant Edison’s letter of 3 July (see Doc. 1370 n. 1).
6. The Adriatic, a ship of the White Star line used for transatlantic passenger traffic, was the fastest ship of her (“oceanic”) class at this time (Gibbs 1957, 229-35). Gouraud apparently sent this letter on that ship.
7. What follows, although separately dated and signed, is continuously paginated with the preceding.
8. No reply has been found.
Charles Edison Memorandum: Telegraph Conversation
[Menlo Park, July 21, 1878?]1
[illegal?]a only one from the editor of the electrician did tribune publishe and the engineer article2—Ed—
G—yes—and comments were favorable— I have sentb you about ten letters and some papers how long are you going to stay there Mrs E wants to know—Ms
E— All right— I will be home about the 18b of Aug—is every thing going on right how are the new telephone—RS—
G— batch says got instr from P[artrick]&C[arter] magnets a failure have made a magnet with one quarter stock and much more magnetism than the one we snt them— have a pair working between here and depot worksb good make them better look elegant everybody thinks they—
E did u say are the spools connected right g.a. every—
Gc Batch says yes can make them all right— Shall be able to fit everybody up this week—I have made some silksb that test forty have got phonauto[graph] very sc sensitive with thin stretched rubber diaph and shall take some records on Monday night if a fine night—.3 Can u get me wall nuff to get letter fm Seabrooke—4
E— rail— I lay dmye
AD (fragment), NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1030). Apparently written by Charles Edison. aIllegible. bObscured overwritten letters. cInterlined above.
1. This was dated 5 August in TAEM-G1. However, on 22 July Griffin wrote Uriah Painter, “Was talking with T.A.E. yesty had a wire from here to Rawlins” (UHP); internal evidence suggests this as a more likely date. This copy was apparently made by Charles Edison while listening to the exchange, perhaps as a form of telegraph practice. It is incomplete and throughout he seems to have had problems receiving the message, perhaps due in part to physical problems on the line as well as to his limitations as a receiver.
2. The London-based Electrician had reprinted Doc. 1348 in its 29 June issue (“Telephone and Microphone,” Cat. 1240, item 762, Batchelor [TAEM 94:276]). This may be what Edison means by this reference to the Tribune. It is unclear to what Engineer article Edison is referring, but this telegraph exchange is somewhat garbled and it is possible he was asking if his letter to the editor of Engineering had been published (see Doc. 1375 n. 1).
3. Griffin was apparently quoting Batchelor. There is no evidence of Batchelor’s taking records of the elevated railroad noise on Monday, 22 July (see Doc. 1388).
4. George Seabrooke taught astronomy at Rugby, England (MacLeod and Friday 1972, s.v. “Seabrooke, G. M”). The 30 May issue of Nature (18:129) had carried a letter by him regarding his experiments Page 402 with the microphone and Edison had sent him copies of publications related to the controversy over this device. On 6 July, Seabrooke thanked Edison for sending these articles, expressed himself as “glad my letter in Nature has been appreciated,” and stated that he was not clear on how Hughes’s principle differed from Edison’s. Griffin sent a copy of Seabrooke’s letter to Edison, who, after his return, wrote on the original: “See Prescotts book fully set forth where I use finely divided metals” (DF [TAEM 15:900]).
James Adams to Charles Batchelor
Paris July 22d 78
Batch.
I am going to give you a letter today one everything I tell you it is red hot here I could tell you good deal more [that?] thana what I want to write but what I do write you may repeat to anyone unless I say different. I guess you know that the foreign pen business has gone to hell—and that something has got to be done as soon as possible, for I tell you that there is money in it and plenty of it, If it is conducted right. Beetle has been in London now for nearly 3 weeks and so is macMac and by what I learn they have had a red hot time. Saw two letters that came from Beetle yesterday I will give you the substance of them but first let me tell you that Beetle does everything to hurt Edison that he possibly can when he first come to Paris he did not want to put Edisons name to the pen at all as he said that he was not an honest man I heard that before but only from persons employed by Beetle but when strangers and outside people ask me if I know Edison and when I say yes, know him as well as I do myself, what kind of a man is he and when I tell them they say it is strange there is Beetle representing an invention of his and he says that he is not an honest man and cant be trusted in any businessb matters I have not had that from one but many now bBeetle comes home tonight I shall make him deny it flatly before some of those people or make him repeat it again and if he does in my presence I will send him home short of some of his front teeth He is Gray and no oneb else. I dont know what Beetle statement is but I have it from Kern there has been sold 260 outfits at an average price of 35 dollars per outfit besides extra’s1 those pens have been sold without any effort on the part of any one, one agent is all that he has got in the whole of Europe I can give you the correct figures in a day or two as Doctor Kern has made all the sales that have been made he has entered them up for his own benefit It is evident Page 403 that Beetle has got to cave in soon and it is necessary that there should be no interruption in the business for if it once gets into the press that it has fell through the public will believe it is a failure— Letter from B to Dr K—“You post me to fullest extent. I met Frank Pope today and learn that Bailey is here and that Puskas will be here today. You evidently strive to keep me in the dark or else you are extremely ignorant of what is going on around you I believe the former is the fact— I hope you got through the [—t]c rent matter today & that sales is good. Sell 20 or 25 outfits if possible even if you only get 25 dollars for No 2 and 30 for No 3 AI want the money for a particular purpose. I shall reduce expenses on my return in every possible way and unless this matter goes off here I shall close up the pen business within the next 3 months What about Italy? Dont stand on the number of outfits I shall call on Puskas I know his address I shall see him and H (Hickling?)” at 6 oclock this evening and it is possible that I can change the programme but I question my ability to do so. H is a New York broker and you know that they cant be fooled one interview with Nottage was enough to open his eyes to the fact that the whole thing was being killed and there was no money for him in the enterprise.”
“P.S. Keep down expenses and I will tell you something interesting when I come back. Beetlee
I dont know if Mac will come to Paris or not I hope he will as I would like to get to the bottom of it as I am completely in the dark as to Mac being in London2 Tried some telephone experiments today with Count du Moncel and wife showed that the tick of a watch could be heard distinctly and other delicate sounds if you can send proofs over he will have them published and bring them before the Academie of Science there is one thing that he still hampers upon, that is, that Krantz3 discovered that that carbon increased and decreased its resistance by pressure in 1873 He used powdered Carbon in glass tubes andany one would know that any powdered conductor would decrease itself resistance by being brought closer together I showed him the telephone the other day he was very much pleased with it but as he did not mention anything about his discovery I did not to him. Count du Moncel will show the principle of the electromotograph at the next meeting I presented him with a very nice hand motograph yesterday Doctor Kern & Herman Pothe4 is the Page 404 man that wants to get the pen business Pothe is secy for Puskas he can get the money to make it go or at least has got it ready now. I have advised them to write to you direct If Bliss would give it up they would rather give Edison an extra royalty thanb have any to pay to Bliss. Beetleb may try to put itb into the hands of Roosevelt if it doesb it goes into as bad hands as it is now. He has got a large stock of Bell Telephones and not one of them will work he has ordered 2,000 watch telephones. 5 Gower has come here and condemned them all. Roosevelt wont take them but the manufacturer has forced him to take them as he had made them as ordered and did not care whether they would work or not— Between you and me Roosevelt is nothing but a gambler and runs this telephone to make believe that he is a business man This is for only you and Edison to know only or rather for no one else to know that it came through me.
〈How do you like this letter? S.L.G.〉f
L (copy), NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:979). Written by Stockton Griffin. aInterlined above. bObscured overwritten letters. cCanceled. dInterlined several lines above at top of page. eFollowed by centered horizontal line. fWritten by Griffin.
1. A statement from Beetle showing foreign pen sales between September 1877 and August 1878 indicates that a total of 168 outfits plus supplies and attachments had been sold. DF ( TAEM 18:337).
2. Since Frank MacLaughlin returned to the United States by 2 August it is unlikely he visited Paris or met with Adams. Doc. 1392.
3. Unidentified; but du Moncel may actually have referred to M. Clérac (see Doc. 1398).
4. Dr. P. F. Kern and Herman Rothe wrote Edison from Paris on 18 July about acquiring the electric-pen agency for the Continent. Kern stated that he was “thoroughly familiar with the instrument and knows how business has been transacted and what changes are necessary.” Their letter gave no further information about either, except to say that both were “foreigners” and would have “the facility of being able to treat with 6 different nationalities in their own languages.” DF (TAEM 18:305).
5. Unidentified.
Frotn Charles Batchelor
Menlo Park, N.J., July 24th 1878a
Thomas A. Edison.1 b
Saw Walker today, he is anxious. He took me to some carbon telephones of Phelps make, one working to 23rd St and another to Brooklyn—everything could be got perfectly. I Page 405 told him I would bring over something a great deal better tomorrow. I am going to put a pair on their worst wire tomorrow I think it will astonish them. I have had a great deal trouble with P&C’s insts no mag[netis]m in magnet am making new ones all through.c
Paid your insurance todayc
Guess I’ve got Murray an order from Walker if he will make cheap enoughc
I have taken no records of M.E.R.R.2 yet machine is ready but have had no time owing to telephones troubles.c
Dont give yourself any uneasiness as I have got the trouble by the nuts and I shall yet get rid of them all by next Monday.c
Should like to Answer this controversy about microphone receiver but wait to see what you think.3c
Have sent tasimeter patterns and a first rate new drawing to W.E. Mfg Co4c
Am getting along nicely with the press and die for Jim but cannot send it with the telephonesc
Phelps edition of carbon telephone is good as it is exceedingly cheap, of course not so loud as ours I shall go and see him about that and shall also insist on Edison Carbon telephone being put on all of them.c
Man writes today for 20 carbon tels. from California, referred to Walker.c
Charley sends Photo of P&C telephones today5 c
Am paying Kinney $12 per week but he does not work here but at home is that to your satisfaction. 6c
Cheever has busted higher than a kite7 but Painter and Hubbard were closeted this afternoon & I understood that they had secured everything so that it will be no inconvenience. You will probably have more reliable information on this from themc
They say you have busted their business by giving them away to some Chicago reporter.8c
Advise me about Jim’s letters I am ready primed only waiting to know what you wish to do.9c
Am making 2 Megaphones and shall try them in two weeks at Watch Hill10c Yours phonographicarbontelephonically
Batch!!!d
What did you think of translations I sent of Phono, being put in class of telegraphic Insts ( did it! didnt they?)11 c
Is it right for Scientific to ad print instructions on how to make a phono, and give dimensions etc without telling them that by making from them they infringe B12 Page 406
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:985). Letterhead of T. A. Edison. a“Menlo Park, N.J.,” and “187” preprinted. bUnderlined twice. cFollowed by centered horizontal line. d“Batch” underlined twice.
1. This was addressed to Edison at Rawlins, Wy.
2. That is, recordings of noise on the Metropolitan Elevated Railroad (see Doc. 1371).
3. See Doc. 1385 n. 3.
4. On Tuesday, 16 July, Batchelor wired Western Electric: “Tasimeter patterns sent today instructions by mail Thursday.” DF (TAEM 19:425).
5. A copy of this photograph is in Cat. 76.015:6, NjWOE.
6. On 16 July, Patrick Kenny had written Batchelor about providing twelve dollars per week for his work on facsimile (autographic) telegraphy and indicated that Norman Miller would come out to see him regarding it. Miller noted on Kenny’s letter that Batchelor gave him twelve dollars for Kenny on 17 July (DF [TAEM 19:533]). Kenny’s July and August payments are recorded in Cat. 1185:249, Accts. (TAEM 22:667). By the last week of December he appears to have begun working at Menlo Park (Kenny’s time sheet, DF [ TAEM 17:870]; Ledger #3:359, Accts. [TAEM 87:156]). A series of experimental autographic test strips that probably dates from mid–September is found in Cat. 1032:118, Scraps. (TAEM 27:912).
7. Charles Cheever had apparently invested in the New York Belting and Packing Co., of which his brother John was treasurer and co-owner. On 24 July, John Cheever notified creditors of the company and of a related Boston concern of the firms’ inability to meet their obligations. “Mr. Tappan’s Failure,” New York Daily Tribune, and “Tappans Defalcation,” Page 407 New York Daily Sun, both 25 July 1878, Cat. 1240, items 781-82, Batchelor ( TAEM 94:291-92).
8. Nothing is known of what Edison said, but it may have been similar to the remarks discussed in Doc. 1419 n. 1.
9. This may refer to Doc. 1387, which Griffin copied and sent Edison.
10. Watch Hill is a coastal town in extreme southwestern Rhode Island, where Uriah Painter had been staying during July. On 8 July, Painter wrote Edison that he had poles to run a wire down the beach near Watch Hill, from where an “old sea capt” had assured him it would be possible to talk over the sound of the waves. Painter presumably thought of using the megaphone to communicate from land to ships at sea and then transmit the information by telegraph. On 18 July, Batchelor wrote to Painter: “Have you decided whether you will make a trial of megaphone at Watch Hill yet. For such trial I ought to make a pair of wrought iron ones that will stand solid in a wind. If you still intend to make the test I will have them made.” On 22 July, Griffin informed Painter that it would take two weeks to complete the iron megaphone; a measured drawing of the device was made on 27 July. Batchelor initially intended to ship the megaphone to Painter on 9 August but did not send it for another week. He apparently went to Watch Hill to conduct tests of the megaphone during the third week of August. After Edison’s return, Painter asked him to come to Watch Hill for “one or two days to direct further tests” as “it needs some troubles overcome.” An August photograph shows Batchelor using the megaphone (Cat. 76.015:5, NjWOE). Painter to TAE, 8 July and 30 Aug. 1878, DF (TAEM 15:907, 1102); Batchelor to Painter, 18 July, 5 and 15 Aug. 1878, and Griffin to Painter, 22 July 1878, all UHP; NS-78-002, Lab. (TAEM 7:771-72).
11. On 17 July, Batchelor had sent translations of articles that appeared in the 3 July Le Figaro and 4 July Le Petit Moniteur Universell (DF [ TAEM 15:942]). The articles described a demonstration before the Universal Exposition’s jury for telegraphic instruments on 3 July. According Page 408 to these news accounts, messages were recorded on an Edison clockwork phonograph in Paris, then replayed into an Edison carbon transmitter on a line to Versailles. Herman Rothe also sent messages from Versailles to Paris, where Puskas recorded them by placing the telephone receiver against the phonograph mouthpiece. Jury members witnessed the exchange at both Paris and Versailles. In a 7 July letter to Adams, Batchelor asked for more details after reading a report of the tests in that day’s New York Tribune (Cat. 1238:288, Lbk. [TAEM 93:208]). Brief accounts of the tests also appeared in the Engineer of 2 August and an unidentified English-language journal (Cat. 1032:31, 43, Scraps. [TAEM 27:831, 840]).
According to Le Petit Moniteur Universell, members of the telegraphic jury afterwards debated whether the phonograph should be judged with precision instruments or with telegraphs, finally deciding on the latter. According to a report in the 3 September New York Tribune, however, the jury held it “of no use whatever in telegraphy” and refused to consider it for a prize (Cat. 1032:88, Scraps. [TAEM 27:870]). This prompted Theodore Puskas to write to Andrew White, the honorary U.S. commissioner and a member of the appeals jury, to ask the panel to reconsider (2 Aug. 1878, ADW; NCAB, s.v. “White, Andrew Dickson”). Puskas told White that Count du Moncel, a precision instrument judge, had promised him that the phonograph was “ entitled to the highest reward” in telegraphy. Despite this effort the phonograph did not receive an award, though Edison was given a Grand Prize (see Doc. 1405). (In his Autobiography, White recalled that Puskas had neglected to exhibit the phonograph to the committee, being too occupied showing it for a fee [White 1905, 1:514]).
12. The 20 July Scientific American Supplement (6:2112-13) carried instructions on “How to Build a Working Phonograph,” which included half-scale drawings. The unsigned article began: “Now that Edison has invented the Phonograph, it is easy enough to make one, and every one wonders that it had not been done before. The Phonograph, truly wonderful as it is, is exceedingly Simple and may be made at a slight expense.” The 27 July issue of Scientific American (39:60), which would have been available around the 16th, printed a letter from a reader giving further instructions. The day after Batchelor wrote Edison, Stockton Griffin wired him: “Painter and others attach great importance to Scientific Americans Phonograph Article and drawings ignoring fact of its being patented. Suggest asking Munn withdraw invitations to public to infringe and say infringers be prosecuted. Unless this is done your royalty swallowed in litigation.” Orson Munn was an editor of Scientific American (DAB, s.v. “Munn, Orson Desaix”). Cat. 1030:30, 34, Scraps. (TAEM 25:272, 274); Griffin to TAE, 25 July 1878, Painter to TAE, n.d., both DF (TAEM 19:100-1).
Edward Johnson wrote Uriah Painter on 25 July that he wanted to send a letter to Scientific American but would wait for Edison’s reply (UHP). On 29 July, he again wrote Painter stating that he had talked with a representative of the journal about the matter, and asked permission to place an ad in the next issue warning that Edison’s phonograph was protected by a patent (UHP). Johnson also prepared a circular, dated 1 August, specifying Edison’s patent and the civil penalties for Page 409 making, selling, or using an unauthorized phonograph (Cat. 1241, item 884, Batchelor [TAEM 94:353]).
Despite these protests, Scientific American published additional drawings and instructions on 24 August (39:18). An editorial in the 31 August issue (39:128) defended the phonograph articles as within the law governing scientific experimentation and in accord with “the wish of the inventor, as expressed to us, in helping to give the widest pubicity to his invention.” “A Simple Phonograph,” Cat. 1240, item 832, Batchelor (TAEM 94:327); “The Rights of Investigators,” Cat. 1032:35, Scraps. (TAEM 27:833).
From Charles Batchelor
Menlo Park, N.J. July 276th, 1878a
Dear Sir,
The telephones in the first, had no magnetism in them I have made new ones and get exceedingly loud talking clear and can be heard 15 ft away.1 Notwithstanding this, when I put them on Brooklyn wire five miles to Scott’s house which is the worst wire in the country it worked well, but not so well as the small Phelps receiver the difficulty being its resonant qualities being so great that i[t]b appeared muffled I did not try any other wire as I know it is OK for any other wire but such a one as 23rd St or Scotts wire which runs on poles in N.Y. with 72 others, cable, & then 40 wires on poles for 4c miles. If there was any noise in room I do not think that the Phelps would be so good.
I left them there and took over another pair today with smaller diaphragms 17/8 in[ch] clear of ferrotype plate2 and although the diaphs were 21/2 hundredths away from core the magnets were so strong that they were very loud still there is such a resonant tone to them that Scott likes the Edison Phelps better I expected to get Murray an order but I must demonstrate to them that this form will work better even on that line than the other. I think it advisable not to send Jims or Gourauds until we have worked the Brooklyn wire better than the Edison Phelps inst. does which is poor to say the best although they seem perfectly satisfied with it.3 We have got so much loudness that I am putting in some heavier diaphragms for experiment.4 I know if you were here you would far prefer ours because the Phelps rec. would be too low for you, but I must satisfy them on that wire and then I think we can safely send them to Europe I shall put up McKenzie’s and also send Smith’s of Central America and two to Mexico5 & hope to write you shortly of success of Brooklyn wire— Page 410
I went to see Cheever about your telegram today and he said that he presumed you meant the balance on $10,000. I told him that I presumed it was. He said there was due from him about $600 and from Painter $100 which was balance of $10,000 He said that he was restrained from paying anything and that you would be obliged to wait 3 weeks or a month and he was sure you would do that knowing the trouble he was in. He said that he thought Painter must have wired you to do this but told me not to say so as he did not know but he might be mistaken.6 He told me that he had sold out in telephone to Hubbard & was goingc out of it.7 Will see Painter tomorrow & see if there is any chance of getting it out of him Cheever.
Everything is going lovely except that the telephones not going right off to my satisfaction Keeps us at it night and day instead of doing other experimenting I shall send 350 carbon buttons to Chicago Monday or Tuesday Yours as ever
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:998). Letterhead of Edison’s laboratory. a“Menlo Park, N.J.” and “187” preprinted. bWritten off edge of page. cObscured overwritten letter.
1. On 24 July, Batchelor had instructed John Kruesi to “Make new magnets for Partrick and Carter telephones.” Vol. 18:5, Lab. (TAEM 4:1049).
2. That is, a receiver diaphragm made of ferrotype plate, 17/8 diameter of which was visible or “clear.”
3. A month earlier, L. A. Ludwig had written Edison that T. J. Smith, who had established a demonstration telephone line across the Isthmus of Panama, had “found Phelps telephones in use there—to a very small extent—and in experimenting found the Phelps receiver in Combination with your transmitter to give much better results than your set complete.” Ludwig to TAE, 28 June, DF (TAEM 19:865).
4. On 26 July, Batchelor experimented with telephone receiver magnets. He also experimented around this time with tin and iron receiver diaphragms of varying diameters and thicknesses. On 28 July, Griffin wired Edison: “Just tested telephone with Phila Loudest and best talking we ever had but of course a little more induction owing to size of diaphragm.” Vol. 15:27, 150, Lab. (TAEM 4:353, 455); DF (TAEM 19:739).
5. See Doc. 1394 n. 5.
6. This money was due Edison under the 30 January phonograph contract (Doc. 1190). Edison’s telegram has not been found, but Cheever’s supposition was correct. On 25 July, Painter telegraphed Batchelor, “Wire Edison I want him to send you msg requesting you to call and get balance of the ten.” The same day Batchelor wired Edison, Page 411 “Cheever has failed.” Griffin also telegraphed Edison on 25 July, “I strongly advise attending to Painters request of this morning.” DF ( TAEM 19:100, 880).
7. The buyout was proposed in April and the sale was finalized on 30 July. Tosiello 1979, 219-21.
Instructions for Setting Up Telephones
[Menlo Park,] July 30 78
Instructions for setting up No. 1 & 2 telephones1 a
Leave switch on left hand side button and call by pressing the key a number of times
After getting an answer on sounder switch over to the right hand button and talk in transmitter with ear tubes place[d]b to the ears
After you have finished talking be sure to switch back on to the left button.
Use three cells callaud on each end of line over 5c five miles. Use 4c four cells at each end if line over 10c ten miles. But if only very short line 2c two cells callaud is sufficient
D (letterpress copy), NjWOE, Lbk. 3:325 (TAEM 28:766). Written by Charles Batchelor. aFollowed by centered horizontal double line. bFaint copy. cCircled.
1. These instructions were probably drawn up for foreign users of Edison’s telephone sets (see Doc. 1372). In the United States, his telephone was controlled by Gold and Stock Telegraph Co., which established a central-district exchange system. A set of drawings showing various arrangements used in the New York exchange is found in Cat. 1240, item 671, Batchelor ( TAEM 94:274); also see descriptions in DF (TAEM 52:165). One of these drawings shows the circuit arrangement Page 412 of a subscriber’s telephone. B is the bell, which is operated by the magnet (two coils) under the transmitter, T, and above the induction coil. The two earphone receivers are labeled R. The battery is at bottom. When the switches K1 (left) and K2, (right) are out the telephone is ready for operation and can be called from the district office. To call the district office, the user would push K1 in and out rapidly, which puts the local battery intermittently on the line and provides sufficient power to work the office bell or sounder. The right switch would then be pushed in to talk and listen. The subscribers would be connected by the switchboard (the wire at upper left) at the district office.
Charles Batchelor to James Adams
[Menlo Park,] July 31st [187]8
Dear Jim,
Microphonea = I send you a few papers which may help you Copy of document of carbon receiver— Tracing of three more important documents, fix up the reading matter to suit yourself you cannot be beat on these although the dates are 77 instead of 76. Dont let Bleye1 get ahead of us on microphone receiver I had it mentioned in Prescotts new book now coming out.2 Did you get his book I sent you?3b
Telephonec I have got some good telephones but they have a little resonance owing to us using eartubes and having two diaphragms in a box and am afraid they might not suit your underground lines I have written Edison to see whether I should send them. If he says so I will but you must be the judge of them as to their working Send you Photograph of one.4 I cannot send you Gourauds yet till I hear from him.b Page 413
Electrical Governor.5
A Spool
B Carbon button
The current runs as you see through both carbon buttond and the spool as the battery weakens it has less magnetism and consequently presses less morec on the carbon and makes resistance correspondingly less. You may of course have another button insulated from the other under pressure which can regulate a second circuitb
Foreign Pen I expected just as you have said in regard to the Pen. I have tried to raise some money for myself and Ellen from Bliss several times but all to no purpose, he has got so now that he dont answer my letters Shall write to him and have him correspond with you.
Your letter on the Count’s wife is laughable6 b
Sir Wm Tompson wrote Preece & told him that Edison deserves the first place in the microphone business and that he Preece explained the thing at Plymouth when he showed Edisons telephone (This confidential)f
Pope I see Pope is home here today.b
W.U. Contract Our contract with W.U. Tel Co is all OK we have drawn since June 1st Ellen is getting your share; dont fear; I’ll look out for her!b
McLaughlin Mac’ started for Australia with Phonograph but went to England with the gentleman that is with him in order to try and sell Australia there first. If they sell there he will not go If they dont sell they will go.7b
Laboratory About as usual. Martin8 & G. Carman, and boy9 as help, Will Carman keeping books and tracing our experiments, Griffin writing letters etc Kruesi, Jackson,10 Logan,11 Sigal12 Albert13 Charley14 Eckstrom15 in shop.16
This Photo17 is one of our first takend on our new photo apparatus18 Yours truly
ALS (letterpress copy), NjWOE, Batchelor, Cat. 1330:11 (TAEM 93:225). aParagraph headings in left margin, most with flourishes. bFollowed by centered horizontal line. cRepeated at top of next page. dObscured overwritten letters. eInterlined above. fParagraph enclosed by braces and followed by horizontal line. Page 414
1. In his letter to Batchelor of 6 July, Adams had stated that the use of the carbon transmitter as a receiver “is claimed by one Bleye who says that he discovered it 15 days ago, send proofs of that if possible.” Nothing further is known of Bleye. DF (TAEM 15:896).
2. Though Prescott expected a new edition of his book, The Telephone and the Phonograph , to appear in 1878, it was not published until the following year, retitled The Speaking Telephone, Electric Light, and other Recent Electrical Inventions. That edition consisted of the original thirteen chapters plus three additional ones, including “Edison’s Recent Telephonic and Acoustic Inventions,” which contained a discussion of the microphone (Prescott 1879, 534-44). Prescott to TAE, 19 June 1878, DF ( TAEM 97:678).
3. That is, the first edition of The Telephone and the Phonograph. On 25 June, Prescott had written Edison that he had “sent the twenty books yesterday, as you requested.” DF (TAEM 18:843).
4. See Doc. 1388 n. 5.
5. It is unclear for what purpose Edison and Batchelor thought this device might be useful. Edison’s drawing of a slightly different arrangement, dated 21 June, is found in NS-78-011, Lab. (TAEM 7:921).
6. Letter not found; person unidentified.
7. See Doc. 1328 n. 6.
8. Martin Force.
9. This is probably Theo Whitney, whose name first appears in time sheets for the week ending 28 June. He replaced Alex Craig, Jr., who was discharged in mid–June. At the time of this letter he was doing general work in the laboratory, pressing carbons, and helping with the photography. Alex Craig, Sr., to Batchelor, 19 June 1878, and time sheets, all DF ( TAEM 17:493, 623, 634, 661).
10. Machinist George Jackson may have worked briefly for Edison and Murray in January 1875. He originally turned down a job at the Menlo Park laboratory in December 1877, but reapplied in March and was working there by June. During the week Batchelor wrote this letter Jackson was working on telephones and the quadruplex rheostat. PN-75-00-00.2, Accts. (TAEM 22:337, 339); Jackson to TAE, 20 Dec. 1877 and 11 Mar. 1878, and time sheets, all DF (TAEM 14:439; 17:469, 625, 658).
11. Although Jehl (1937-41, 2:680) claims that Thomas Logan (d. 1887) had begun working as a machinist at Menlo Park sometime in 1877, the first evidence of his being at the laboratory is a time sheet from the first week of June 1878. At this time he was working on telephones and making the mold for carbon buttons. Time sheets, DF (TAEM 17:625, 659).
12. John Sigel had answered Edison’s advertisement for machinists in the 6 January New York Sun. At the time he was working at Alex Pool’s Newark shop making burglar alarms and electric indicators. Sigel described himself as a toolmaker of twelve years experience in the leading watch factories as well as an inventor of a “Damescening Machine for Nikel Movements.” Sigel was working at the laboratory by June, though he was no longer employed by the beginning of September. It is unknown if Batchelor’s notation on Sigel’s January letter that he was “No good... too old” was written before or after he worked for Edison. Page 415 At the end of July he was working on a press to mold carbon buttons and on telephones. Sigel to TAE, 6 Jan. and 15 Sept. 1878, and time sheets, all DF (TAEM 17:458; 16:52; 17:626, 660, 691).
13. It is unclear to whom Batchelor is referring. The only Albert known to be working at the laboratory at this time was Albert Eckstrom (see note 15). He may have meant Alfred Swanson, whom Jehl (1937–41, 1:128) describes as the night watchman. Swanson had begun working for Edison in December 1876 and by the time of this letter was running the steam engine and helping in the machine shop. Cat. 1213:7, Accts. (TAEM 20:8); time sheet, DF (TAEM 17:660).
14. Edison’s nephew Charles Edison.
15. Machinist Albert Ekstrom had worked for Murray & Co. in 1874 and may have been the “Albert” listed in a January 1875 labor account. He was employed in the Menlo Park laboratory by June 1878 and at the time of Batchelor’s letter was working on telephones, phonographs, and the megaphone. After working for another week on the clockwork phonograph, he and Kruesi had a misunderstanding and he stopped working at the laboratory, though he applied for work again a month later. Ekstrom to Edison & Murray, 5 Dec. 1874, Scraps. ( TAEM 27:512); PN-75-00-00.2, Accts. (TAEM 22:338); Ekstrom to TAE, 9 Oct. 1878, and time sheets, all DF (TAEM 17:509, 623, 656, 664).
16. Time sheets indicate that at this time patternmaker Milo Andrus and machinists Charles Flammer and John Hood were also working in the laboratory (DF [TAEM 17:654, 656-57]); for biographical information see Jehl 1937-41, 222, 320, 546, 682, 688.
17. Not found.
18. Edison had acquired this apparatus at the beginning of June (William Trotter to TAE, 4 June 1878, DF [TAEM 15:745]). Photographic prints from the summer of 1878 were made onto postcards, a set of which was pasted into a photograph album that can be found at the Edison National Historic Site (Cat. 76.015).
Frotn Stockton Griffin
Menlo Park Aug 2d 78
Friend Al
I send herewith a document of some interest to you.1 McL[aughlin] has been here today is very much disappointed at not finding you here. Is loaded down with foreign news some of it d-dly interesting to you. I asked him to write you fully and he said he would do so tonight—2
He says Adams is representing himself as the inventor of the Carbon telephone, and as your partner &c&c. It seems to me, (and Batch hasa expressed himself as of the same mind) that Adams is, to say the least, overdoing the matter— It galls me to read Count du Moncel speaking of Mra Adams as “your colleague”3 Aren’t you afraid he may do you incalculable, and irreparable injury? Page 416
I am sending you everything of importance, you may think I am sending too much but I consult Batch and send what we both deem most interesting. I have Brewer & Jensen’s opinion on your Eng patent No 2909.4 It is very long or I would copy it & transmit to you Prof B says you are getting fat and I am glad to hear it— Your folks all well— Yrs &c
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1026). aObscured overwritten letter.
1. Not found.
2. Not found.
3. The source of this quotation is not known.
4. Brewer & Jensen prepared for Vallance & Vallance a twenty-three page opinion on the sustainability of Edison’s British telephone patent. They examined each claim in Edison’s final specification against both those of his provisional specification and Alexander Graham Bell’s British patent. Brewer & Jensen concluded that “at least thirteen of the claims and a few points in the body of the specification should be altered by Disclaimer and memorandum of alteration in order to render the Patent so valid as will probably make it good in law if ever attached.” The suggested changes included striking at least six claims that either were not made in the provisional filing or appeared to conflict with Bell’s patent. Brewer & Jensen to Vallance & Vallance, 4 July 1878, Miller (TAEM 28:1131).
George Ladd to James Fair 1
San Francisco, Aug 2 18782 a
My dear Sir:
I take great pleasure in introducing Prof Thos. A. Edison, the distinguished inventor, who is anxious to visit the mines.3
I shall be greatly obliged if you will extend to him the opportunity of doing so, under favorable circumstances, and he may possibly reciprocate your courtesy by inventing some apparatus which will not only divine the location of hidden bonanzas, but also estimate their extent and value with all the mathematical precision of a professional mining expert. 4
With Kind regards, Truly Yours,
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1024). Letterhead of Gold and Stock Telegraph Co. of California. a“San Francisco,” and “187” preprinted.
1. James Fair was one of four partners in the so-called Bonanza firm which dominated mining and banking in Virginia City, Nev., at this time. In 1871, Fair and his partners acquired land rights held by the Consolidated–Virginia Co. and developed what became known as the Page 417 “Big Bonanza” of Comstock Lode gold and silver deposits. The firm also organized the Nevada Bank of San Francisco. The Big Bonanza was largely exhausted by the end of 1877; Fair withdrew from the partnership in 1881, the same year the Nevada legislature elected him to the U.S. Senate. Elliott 1973, 132-34, 164-66; Hulse 1978, 108-9.
2. The previous day, the Union Club of San Francisco, at Ladd’s request, had offered Edison the privileges of its Club House for fifteen days. Union Club to TAE, 1 Aug. 1878, DF ( TAEM 15:1020).
3. The same day, Ladd also sent a letter of introduction to W. H. Smith, whom he asked to show Edison “the mines and other lions of Virginia.” The New York Sun later reported that Edison spent one day in Virginia City and visited the Bonanza firm’s Consolidated–Virginia Mine. Ladd to Smith, 2 Aug. 1878, DF (TAEM 15:1023); “Four Hours With Edison,” New York Sun, 29 Aug. 1878, Cat. 1240, item 859, Batchelor (TAEM 94:339).
4. In 1875, Edison first considered using electricity to detect and determine the extent of ore deposits (see Doc. 650); he thought again about this possibility after his visit to Nevada. On his return to Menlo Park, Edison talked with reporters about how miners could map the veins electrically:
Edison also gave reporters his impressions of the mine’s interior and discussed a means of cooling the stifling shafts (see Doc. 1475 n. 2).That’s simple enough. It don’t require any new instrument. You secure a good circuit connection and you can determine, after a little experience, the extent of the vein with a galvanometer or any other measure of electricity. The bed rock won’t conduct electricity for a cent. Even if it’s a solid homogeneous mass, which it isn’t, it would have very little conductivity, but it’s surrounded by a good clay bed, saturated with water and a splendid conductor. The extent of the current would show the extent of the clay bed, and the latter is a sure indication of the extent of the bed rock. It will not require tunnelling or even the expensive uncertainty of the diamond drill to determine where and what the vein is and its direction. Of course, an operator would have to have a little experience, but that he could get after a few observations. [“Edison’s Trip and Inventions,” New York Daily Graphic , 28 Aug. 1878, Cat. 1240, item 858, Batchelor (TAEM 94:338)]
5. George Ladd was president of the Gold and Stock Telegraph Co. of California, which had been formed in April 1878. He had been involved in the California telegraph industry for many years and had served as assistant superintendent and then secretary and treasurer of the California State Telegraph Co., which Western Union acquired in May 1867. He became assistant superintendent of Western Union’s Pacific division in 1871, but resigned two years later when he became president of the Electrical Construction and Maintenance Co., later the California Electrical Works. Reid 1879, 502-3, 506, 595; Ladd’s testimony, 3-4, 6, and Paul Seiler’s testimony, 19, Ladd v. Seiler.
From Stockton Griffin
[Menlo Park,] Aug 5, 78
Dear Al
Pope returned from Europe last week—
Mrs. E’s health is not of the best— She is extremely nervous and frets a great deal about you, and about everything— I take it to be nervous prostration— She was so frightened yesterday for fear the children would get on the track that she fainted—1 This morning I telegraphed Dr Ward2 who came at noon She is better now, but I have advised her to make her proposed trip among her friends at Whitestone L[ong]. I[sland].3 as soon as possible and she will start Thursday next— She needs a change and right away, as the cars keep her awake at night and this causes her to lose strength— Of course theres nothing serious in this, but I thought it might be of interesta to you. If she should grow worse I would Teleg you.
The W.U. will not have your P&C Telephones they prefer Phelps style which he is now getting up arranged so one can write while they receive a message. 4 I delivered 2 to Wexel & De Gress today—5 Yrs &c
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1032). aObscured overwritten letters.
1. The children were Marion Estelle Edison, five and a half, and Thomas A. Edison, Jr., two and a half years old.
2. Newark physician Leslie Ward had probably been the family doctor when the Edisons lived in that city and he continued to treat the family for many years. Holbrook’s Newark City Directory 1871, 643; TAEM-G1-2, s.v. “Ward, Leslie D.”
3. Mary had relatives living in Whitestone, which is located in north central Queens County. It was at this time an outlying suburb of New York City and a summer resort. John Hipple, who had married one of Mary’s father’s stepdaughters from his first marriage, lived there; her Page 419 father’s other stepdaughter, Sarah Jordan, may have been in Whitestone then as well. TAE to Sarah Jordan, 7 Oct. 1878, and Jordan to TAE, 11 Oct. 1878, both DF (TAEM 16:191, 225); Stillwell family genealogy sent by Mrs. J. Ellsworth Doughty, 9 Mar. 1956, EBC.
4. Prescott 1878d (p. 602) described this instrument as “a convenient way of arranging the apparatus for shop, counting-room, and various other purposes. An Edison carbon telephone, jointed to a projecting arm, so as to be capable of movement in different directions to suit the operator, serves as the transmitter, and the Phelps crown instrument as the receiver, the calls being given by an ordinary telegraph-sounder and a key or switch which is provided for interrupting the circuit.”
5. The firm of Wexel & De Gress sold arms and munitions in Mexico, Chile, Peru, and Panama, and had offices in New York City. On 25 July, J. W. Wexel had written to Griffin from New York requesting “one Edison Telephone with two Instruments, one for each end, with Instructions how to apply same to a common telegraph line. Also if we can guarantee its well working for 300 miles.” On 29 July, Wexel assured Griffin that the lines to be used “will not cross any river or water of any kind.” The telephones were to be delivered by 5 August; the firm paid $70. Wexel & De Gress were also attempting to arrange a phonograph agency for Mexico with Charles Cheever and by October they were exhibiting the phonograph there. They subsequently sought an exclusive agency in Mexico for the phonograph, telephone, and electric pen. On 16 December, Wexel also sent Edison a Smith & Wesson revolver and one hundred cartridges as a gift. Wexel to Griffin, 25 and 29 July, 9 Aug., 26 Oct. 1878, and 9 Nov. 1878; Frederick Beardslee to TAE, 21 Oct. 1878; Wexel to TAE, 21 Oct., 22 Nov., and 16 Dec. 1878; all DF (TAEM 19:878-79, 883, 886; 16:319, 417, 300, 470, 521); Cat. 1217:179, Accts. (TAEM 22:745).
Frank Rae to Stockton Griffin
San Fran Aug 7 1878a
S L Griffin
Mr Edison left for Yosemite Third1 Will reach Rawlins on Twelfth does not return to San Fran Two Letters rec’d & forwarded to Rawlins2
L (telegram), NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1039). Written by Stockton Griffin; letterhead of T. A. Edison. a“187” preprinted.
1. At the time of Edison’s visit the Yosemite Valley was a state park, granted to California by Congress in 1864. Edison arrived in mid-afternoon and, according to newspaper accounts, rode immediately to the top of Glacier Point and descended after dark. The next morning he traveled to Mariposa, southwest of the park. As Edison described it, the trip to Mariposa through the Sierra Nevadas was made by “a mighty jolly party of us—in one of the big six horse stages, and the way we turned the sharp corners on a dead run, and looked down 2,000 feet of rock wall, was exhilarating. Those drivers don’t want more than six Page 420 inches of road to spare, and I think they’d risk it on half an inch.” Edison spent the night of either 6 or 7 August at the Mariposa Big Tree Hotel. He also paid the hotel for passage to the Mariposa Grove of Big Trees, a noted stand of sequoias. “Edison’s Trip and Inventions,” New York Daily Graphic, 28 Aug. 1878, and “Four Hours With Edison,” New York Sun, 29 Aug. 1878, both Cat. 1240, items 858-59, Batchelor (TAEM 94:338-39); Mariposa Big Tree Hotel receipts for Edison and Barker, DF (TAEM 17:288); Gudde 1969, s.v. “Yosemite” and “Mariposa.”
2. See Doc. 1385 n. 1.
3. Frank Rae was the electrician for Western Union’s Pacific Coast division from 1877 to 1881. He had previously managed the Atlantic and Pacific Telegraph Co. office in Syracuse but resigned in 1873 to become chief operator for Western Union in New York, a position he held until 1877. Taltavall 1893, 301-2.
Charles Batchelor to James Adams
[Menlo Park,] Aug 9th [187]8
Dear Jim,
Yours of July 27th to hand.1 I sent you yesterday 1a one new press and carbon moulds complete with a canister full of lamp black to begin with.2 this is packed in a box and marked for Puskas care of Gouraud London. I also sent another case containing 4a four of our new telephones two for Puskas and 2two for Gouraud, the transmitters are taken out and soldered up in tin cans, there are also two wrenches for them. You had better go to London to get them as I wrote Gouraud3 that no doubt you would have to unpack or perhaps I anticipated you would unpack them therefore I gave him no instructions. Of course you need not go if you can get the boxes shipped to you and then afterwards take Gourauds telephones to him. And now Jim the reason why I did not send more of them is this. When I designed it, Edison would have large diaphragms in the receivers and they are very loud on ordinary wires, and excellent between here and Philadelphia on two cells of Callaud; but whilst Edison is away I have tried them on Short cables and wires running 70 on the pole; now I must confess although it worked well I would prefer two of our little receivers and therefore I think you know what will suit their wires best, of course I know when Edison hears this new one, he will be delighted because you know it is difficult for him to get anything on a small diaphragm, but for us who have good ears we prefer to have less noise and clear talking4 Therefore as I do not think they will be exactly what you want I only sent one for P. and one for G. I shall send you a Phonograph (not a clockwork) on 15th of this month. We have not the Johnson Page 421 instrument 5 here but I will try and put something together and send at same time as the phonograph comes. You will find the transmitters I have sent have a silk disc on top of the carbon button. These carbons are very delicate being pressed and sifted a number of times they are very loud and if they dont have the silk on top there gets a rattle (slight) in it with such a thick plate. You will see Jim that the shape of the receiver is altered in this, and web have got the best form of magneto as it is a stroke of lightning cannot affect it; it is just as free from it as a Sieman’s armature.6
Here is a rough diagram of the connections for it.
A is sounder B iron core on magnet with spool on each end. C coil;7b D transmitter; E Key,8 F is switch 9 to the right for telephone to the left for call. The two top bindposts are Line and ground and the bottom are battery and you will find them in pairs as far as the Z[inc] & C[arbon] marks are concerned as you know they must be reversed at each end. There is a wire sticking out of transmitter that is connected to the loose wire in telephone box and the three screws that fasten it make the other connection.
I have never used more battery than two cells callaud on them but you suit yourself. Whoever you learn to use the press Page 422 impress upon their minds to be careful as the dies are easily spoiled. Also be careful in unpacking same and Jim dont let anyone press anything else in it as I nearly spoiled mine by adding sulphur and pressing it. I think Bliss will write you on Beetle matter. Mac thinks Beetle is an old woman and dont know how to run the business Yours as ever
ALS (letterpress copy), NjWOE, Batchelor, Cat. 1330:18 (TAEM 93:233). aCircled. bObscured overwritten letters.
1. Not found.
2. What may be a copy of Batchelor’s instructions for the carbon mold is found in NS-Undated-006, Lab. (TAEM 8:506; see also 8:508).
3. TAE to Gouraud, 8 Aug. 1878, Lbk. 3:334 (TAEM 28:775).
4. Two weeks later Batchelor wrote Adams, “In working one of the lines to Brooklyn ... I found that the big diaphragms in the receivers I sent you were not so good as our little receivers; of course we knew this beforehand but Edison I suppose thought he could take it up by thick large diaphragms.” He then described “what I have done with a pair of them for the Brooklyn wires, so that you can get them altered to suit your wires.” Batchelor to Adams, 23 Aug. 1878, Cat. 1330:31 (TAEM 93:246).
5. Unidentified. However, it is possible that Batchelor is referring to a device that Johnson developed in June, which James Redpath described as “a first rate apparatus as a transmitter for sending songs by telegraph from a distance.” Redpath to Gardiner Hubbard, 10 June 1878, ESP Lbk. 1:395.
6. That is, like the armature of the Siemens polarized relay (see TAEB 1:38 n. 1). Text is “Spool,” “soft iron core,” and “Spool.”
7. Text for the induction coil connections is, clockwise from upper right, “inside fine,” “primary,” “primary,” and “fine.”
8. The key E is at right below the induction coil C.
9. The switch F is at left below the induction coil C.
Edward Johnson to Uriah Painter
New York, Aug 9th 1878a
My Dr U.H.
We shipped yesterday 2 Larg
2 No 3’s @ $250. Each—Missouri & Louisiana
2 No 2’s @ 150.1 “ Arkansas & Iowa
We ship today one “3”—@ $250. to Alabama— A good portion of the money has been paid in hence the Treasury is “Solid” You must change your tactics You cannot Bankrupt the Treasury of this concern by prompt payment of its liabilities.
Bailey2 and I had a tilt yesterday— I was at Bergmans working like the Devil up to one oclock—had 1/2 Dozen customers Page 423 to witness operation of Phonos, & was very busy helping Bergman get the No 1’s out of their boxes and on the bench for remodeling—3 When I came down here Bailey made a raid on me for not coming earlier in the day— He had 3 orders & had been holding them all day. I asked him why he did so—Said he had no boy &c &c— I gave him to understand in language Emphatic that it was as competent for him to bring it to me as for me to come for it. He cooled off soon at that and took it out in Cockish Airs about paying bills on your unsupported approval— I tendered the Rubber stamp bill $6.75— to which he remarked—“I wont pay bills on that mans approval alone” I said I dont expect you to but I do expect you to get an additional signature upon my certificate and the approval thereof by one member of the Ex. Com. He said it was not his business to do anything as Treasurer but Pay— when properly approved.
I’ve not got the Telephone in yet I inquired of the Lineman as to which wire it was, & upon his suggesting that he had better do the work, I assented & made an engagement to meet him there at 10 am the next morning. Meantime he informed Cheever—who preeremptoraly ordered him not to put it in— I had some trouble in finding my Telephones but finally found them today—so shall put the wire in myself this afternoon.
I had two parties at my Laboratory today to see machines at work— One Columbia S.A. party and one U.S. roving party—both came to buy No 2’s and both went away to consider the payment of an additional $100 for the No 3. I’ve got a new kink on the adjustment of the needle—and can now get the maximum loudness of Tone at once heretofore it was a matter—as Edison termed it—of “fooling till you get it”— In short I am rapidly obtaining ascertainingc the conditions which yield the maximum of tone & articulation— A few more steps and the boundary of the Scientific Toy—will be passed and the realm of the Practical will be entered— I am so confident of this that I am anxious to know wherein I am to be benefitted I do not think $150. per month is sufficient pay for what I am doing— I fully believe that if the company were to appropriateb $500 for my use to enable me to experiment for the production of a Standard Instrument I could do it within 90 Days. But it would inevitably result in its production even if I did not as Edison would never allow me to pass him if he had to put every man in his employ on the Phonograph. Page 424 I have seen him pushed to the wall in this way and with always one result—viz—his winning the race
I have tried the Diamond point and while I get good talking from it I still get the scraping my mind is made up on this point & isd to the effect that the scraping is due—after a certain degree of smoothness has been obtained in the needle— solely to the surface of the foil— I shall now experiment for the production of a cheap silver compound and drop the Diamond point experiment We Know what silver will do—it only remains to cheapen it.4 What is this worth to the Co? In my judgment more than anything Edison has done since you made the contract, remembering that the majority of the details of the improved machines have been my work— If you can have me installed as chief mogul I will go on in the good work, if not I shall be tempted in common justice to myself and mine —to confine the results of my experimenting to my individualb machine & to the privacy of my Laboratory until a more auspicious time.
The Scientific American of this week is out with an ad. of their supplement containing full drawings of the Phonograph and advising anyone who wants a Phono to investb 10¢ in the supplement—and make their own— I am going to show them up to Croffut of the Graphic and if he will publish a letter from me in connection with the report he is going to make of ourb “Development of the Phono” I’ll write such an one as will place Mrb Beach5under the charge of Blackmailing us for advertizing patronage
Doubtless you will leave the Hill in time to miss this Letter Yours Truly
ALS, PHi, UHP. Letterhead of Edison Speaking Phonograph Company. a“New York,” and “18” preprinted. bObscured overwritten letter. cInterlined above. d“& is” interlined above.
1. The sale prices of these phonographs were $200 and $100 respectively, including supplies; another $50 was added for James Redpath’s exhibition commission. Edison received twenty percent from Red-path’s commission dollars as part of his own exhibition royalty as well as royalties on the $185 and $95.50 price of the machines, excluding supplies. The $100 phonographs were modified iron cylinder machines that had been used by exhibitors (see Docs. 1276 n. 1 and 1334 n. 2). Beginning in June flywheels were added to these machines and additional design changes were apparently made during July. S. Bergmann & Co. remodeled the old exhibition phonographs by “putting on fly wheel cutting slot in Cylinder [putting] in new mouth pieces [and a] mica Diaphragm;” they also began to manufacture new iron cylinder Page 425 phonographs by the end of August. According to James Redpath, the “difference between the $100 and $200 machines is that the former are not so perfect in their workmanship, the cylinders are made of iron instead of brass, and in the latter there are contrivances by which they are more easily worked. For example, instead of turning slowly a crank to reverse the cylinder as in the smaller machines, the $200 instruments have an arrangement by which they can be thrown back in one motion” (see Docs. 1369 and 1416). The $200 machine was “much more easily managed [and] less liable to get out of adjustment,” as well as being “much better made,” and also had “a more natural tone and articulates more perfectly than the $100, and it is better for reproducing musical sounds.” Furthermore, while the $100 phonograph “can be heard clearly in any ordinary hall... [t]he other can be heard throughout any hall in the U.S.” Johnson to Painter, 17 Aug. 1878 and Bergmann & Co. bills to Edison Speaking Phonograph Co., 10, 24, and 31 Aug. 1878, all Box 4, UHP; Redpath to T. Addison, 17 Aug. 1878; Redpath to Edd. Annable, 17 Aug. 1878; and Redpath to W. W. Wright, 5 Aug. 1878; all ESP Lbk. 4:483-84, 478-79, 331-32, UHP.
Both machines came with instructions, written by Edward Johnson, “which enable anyone of average capacity to master all details connected with the practical operation in a short time—a day or two at most.” The ease of use of these new models marked a significant improvement over the original exhibition machines, about which Redpath told one correspondent, “Written instructions wont help you, because although you might be able to run it imperfectly, you could not obtain the best results without some personal instruction. If the needle got out of adjustment, you would be quite helpless. We have nobody who can teach you nearer than Washington or Cincinnati. We do not want to take your money and place you in a position where you will not only have no returns, but find yourself with a sort of white elephant on your hands.” “Edison’s Speaking Phonograph. Instructions for Operating,” Box 4; Redpath to J. W. Dewey, 29 July 1878, ESP Lbk. 4:206-7; Red-path to C. Barnes, 3 June 1878, ESP Lbk. 2:164; all UHP.
Redpath’s exhibition royalty proved a sore point with Johnson, who reminded Painter in a letter of 16 August, “I told you that I thought the plan of allowing Redpath to sell machines with Royalty, would result in his forcing down the price of the machine for the sake of the royalty.” He went on to complain that a customer who wanted one of the big phonographs was unwilling to pay $250 but, because Redpath was unwilling to reduce his commission and sell it for $225, settled for an old exhibition machine instead.
Page 426The result of all this [is] that our expensive machines remain on our hands—& our poorest hand is shown to the Public. I do not like the prospect. I want the Big machines to go. You must put an embargo on this traffic in 2nd hand machines at once— My 25 new ones are fairly under way. 12 of them are to be finished up at once the remaining 13. will be at my command— If I bring my two styles Nos 2. & 4. to the notice of a purchaser on even terms in all except the simple price of the machines 100 & 200 I’ll sell him the 200 everytime and its a good deal more money in our pockets. [UHP]
It is unclear what the difference was between a No. 4 and a No. 3 phonograph (but see Johnson to Painter, 6 Aug. 1878, UHP, and Doc. 1419 n. 4). Two of the $200 machines had been sold in July and royalty reports indicate that nine of fifteen phonographs sold in August and all thirteen sold in September were $200 machines. Somewhat ironically, sixteen $100 but only seven $200 phonographs were sold in October when the exclusive exhibition contracts ended and Redpath was no longer connected with the company. Johnson to Painter, 29 July and 16 and 17 Aug. 1878; and Bergmann & Co. bills to Edison Speaking Phonograph Co., 23 July, 3 and 10 Aug., 9, 14, and 28 Sept., and 15 Oct. 1878; all Box 4, UHP; Edison Speaking Phonograph Co. royalty statements for July–December 1878, DF (TAEM 19:187-204); see also headnote p. 449.
2. Charles Bailey was treasurer of the Edison Speaking Phonograph Co. TAEM-G1, s.v. “Bailey, Charles E.”
3. These were apparently the small phonographs (Doc. 1195). S. Bergmann & Co. altered eight of them in August (presumably to add some of the features adopted for the large phonographs; see note 1 and headnote p. 371, n. 10). The company offered them as “a Small iron machine, suitable for experimental purposes to show the principle of the invention price $50.” The price increase was apparently due to the six dollar cost of alteration. Charles Bailey to Henry Dennison, 26 Aug. 1878, and Bailey to Prof. W. L. Seymour, 31 Aug. 1878, both ESP Lbk. 3:66, 83, UHP.
4. On 6 August, Johnson had written Painter that
Bergmans discovery is equally Important. He finds that pure Silver foil—very thin—costing less than 2 cents a sheet—is as readily indented as tin foil—while being much harder—and very strange to say—although a hard surface—the needle passes over it absolutely quiet—thus permitting all the finer articulations to be distinctly recognized— At the same time the greater rigidity of the Indentations cause a more decided vibration of the plate and a consequent louder tone. [UHP]
They apparently succeeded in developing it by late September, when James Redpath noted an improved tinfoil (Redpath to J. W. Rich, 23 Sept. 1878, ESP Lbk. 5:229-30, UHP). The new foil was offered in S. Bergmann & Co.’s circular of 22 Page 427 October:
After continued and expensive experiments to find some way of getting rid of the unpleasant “scratching” of the needle in the Phonograph, we have succeeded in producing a superior quality of foil, which almost entirely obviates that trouble.
This foil we are now prepared to furnish in boxes containing 300 and 600 sheets, each @ one and five=eighths cents per sheet. Being of a different composition from that heretofore used, it can be used to advantage only on machines provided with the wedge fastening.
Shellac, or other gums not readily adhering to it, it cannot be used on machines having that method of fastening. For these machines we will furnish the old style of foil at one and one=eighths cents per sheet, in packages of 170 and 420 sheets each. [UHP]
5. Alfred Beach was an Editor and part owner of Scientific American. DAB, s.v. “Beach, Alfred Ely.”
From Stockton Griffin
Menlo Park Saturday Aug 10. 1878
Friend Al
Mrs E went to Whitestone L. I. Thursday to be absent a week or ten days. Batch and the rest are just starting for Woodbridge to take the Schooner for a sail. They only chartered it for one day.1 I recd your Telegram about Scientific Amns (July 10th)2 and had George get 100 today 3a— I would have had 200 mailed when they first appearedb had not Batch thought we could’nt afford to buy them. I write now to send a copy of a letter from Sir Wm Thomson which explains itself. Evidently Preece has brought no little pressure to bear on Sir Wm T in order to induce him to write as he does— Its “bad medicine” I think but I guess you will survive it. The Clockwork Phono with new Gov was started today & gives much better results than previous experiments but yet it is not quite perfection. Everything quiet except that Exstrom was discharged day before yesty by Kruesi— Dont know what for.
N. L. Narso the Turk (Armenian) wants 2 telephones for Turkey. I telegphd you today but have recd no ans as yet.4 Got the first phono from Pool yest’y.5 Haven’t tried it yet. Batch is making new mouthpiece for an Experiment He was at Pools all day yesty says they are all right Yrs &c
ENCLOSUREc
Cowes July 30. 786
Dear Sir
I enclose a copy of a letter I am sending to “Nature” and to Page 428 the NY Herald and the NY Tribune.7 I am sending copies of it also to Mr Preece and Mr Hughes
Believe me Yours Truly
ENCLOSUREc
Cowes July 30. 78
Sir.
The pleasure with which those beautiful discoveries and inventions, The Telephone, The Phonograph and the Microphone have been appreciated by the world has been unhappily, and I must say, I think unnecessarily—marred by one of the most disagreeable things that can be thrust on the public—a personal claim of priority accompanied by accusations of bad faith, especially when made against anyone of whose name and fame the public has come to feel concerned.
Before troubling the public at all with such a matter Mr Edison might surely have reasoned out his claimd with Mr Preece with whom he had beena from the beginning in correspondence; or he might have written immediately to the public journals calmly pointing out the close relation betweena his own “Carbon Telephone” and Mr Hughes subsequent “Microphone.” The scientific public could then have calmly judged and would have felt much interest in judging how much in common or how much not in common there may be in the physical principles concerned in the two instruments. But by his violent attack in the public Journals on Mr Preece and Mr Hughes charging them with “piracy” and “Plagiarism” and abuse of confidence he has rendered it for the time impossible for either them or others to give any consideration whatever to his claims. Nothing can be more unfounded than the accusations! Mr Preece himself gave at the Plymouth meeting of the British Association last August a clear and thoroughly appreciative description of Edisons Carbon Telephone and published it in the printed reports of his lecture which appeared in the public journals! The beautiful results thereon since the beginning of the present year by Mr Hughes with his microphone were described by himself in such a manner as to leave no doubt but that he had worked them out quite independently and that he had not the slightest intention of appropriating any credit due to Mr Edison. It does seem to me that the Physical principle used by Edison in his Carbon Telephone and by Hughes in the Microphone is one and the same thing And that it is the same as that used by M Clérac8 Page 429 of the French “Administration des lignes telegraphiques” in the variable resistance carbon tubes which he had given to Mr Hughes and others for important practical applications as early as 1866 And that it depends entirely on the fact long ago pointed out by Du Moncel that increase of pressure between two conductors in contact produces diminution of electrical resistance between them.9
I cannot but think that Mr Edison will see that he has let himself be hurried into an injustice and that he will therefore not rest until he retracts his accusations of bad faith publicly and amply as he made them
I am your obedient servant
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1048). aInterlined above, b“when ... appeared” interlined above. cEnclosure is an L (transcript) written by Griffin. d“his claim” repeated, probably as page turn in original.
1. The time sheet of laboratory assistant George Carman for 11 August reads “fishing.” Extant time sheets for all but two other laboratory workers are blank for that date. DF ( TAEM 17:670-76).
2. Edison’s telegram has not been found. Griffin meant the 10 August issue of Scientific American, which contained a letter from David Hughes on the microphone, a critical editorial response, and an article entitled “Crooked Journalism” on Engineering’s contribution to the controversy. Sci. Am. (39:80, 84, 88), Cat. 1032:3-4, Scraps. (TAEM 27:804-5).
3. George Carman was sometimes assigned to purchase extra copies of newspapers and magazines during the spring and summer; his time sheet indicates that he spent 10 August in New York. The Scientific American copies were probably intended for the foreign individuals and publications to whom Edison and Batchelor had sent the journal’s 8 and 22 June issues concerning the microphone. Carman’s time sheet, DF (TAEM 17:671); Batchelor 1308:66-74, 274-75, 282, 287 (TAEM 90:700-4, 783, 786).
4. Nothing is known of Narso. On 10 August, Griffin wired to Rawlins for Edison: “Has Puskas got Turkey for Carbon Telephone Can I sell two to go there.” Edison replied on 12 August from Ogden, Utah: “You can sell in Turkey.” DF (TAEM 19:888, 893).
5. See headnote, p. ###.
6. Thomson wrote this letter and the one following aboard the yacht Lalla Rookh at Cowes, on the Isle of Wight.
7. The New York Tribune printed Thomson’s letter on 12 August. In its accompanying editorial, the paper claimed that Edison’s earlier appeal to Thomson’s impartiality now obliged him either to rebut the letter or apologize to Preece (Cat. 1240, items 820-21, Batchelor [TAEM 94:318]). It was published in the 1 August issue of Nature (18:355) and the 11 August New York Herald (p. 7).
8. Hughes himself had pointed this out in a letter to Engineering and other publications (“The Hughes Microphone,” Engineering, Cat. 1240, Page 430 item 790, Batchelor [TAEM 94:297]). In his discussion of the history of the microphone, Du Moncel (1974, 144) noted that as early as 1865 Clérac had “employed a tube made of plumbago, and provided with a movable electrode, to produce variable resistances in a telegraphic circuit.” Hippolyte Clerac was Inspecteur Ingénieur des Télégraphes, Paris. Clerac to the Editor, Teleg. J. and Elec. Rev. 7 (1879): 65.
9. Between 1856 and 1875, Du Moncel had conducted several experiments on the changing resistance of substances under pressure. He published his results in the second edition of his Exposé des Applications de l’Electricite and “in several papers presented to the Académie des Sciences, and inserted in their comptes rendus” Du Moncel 1974, 144.
James Adams to Charles Batchelor
Paris, le Aug 11th 1878a
Dear Sir
I wrote you a few lines the other day, but give you very little news.1 I shall give you all I know now gave an exhibition of telephone on Thursday to financial men, and Friday for for the press, experiments was most successful, and I think that Telephones in a financial point of view is O. K. Baily is pushing Puskas hard to—accept 50,000 franks2 cash and so much stock of the company, he is afraid that Puskas will back out Puskas also has an offer of 100,000 fr. for France and Russia, but I think that he will do better than either, as Baily cant do anything with either Phelps or Gray, the Edison was the only one exhibited as it was useless to try to show any magneto telephone—where there was 50 or 60 Frenchman and everyone talking at once Some of the newspapers says that the Gray telephone ar was shown but it was not so papers that said so was well paid for it by Baily if it was not that they are working together I should have contradicted it. to show you what kind of a fellow Baily is, he came to me in the hall and says its no use to try to show off either the Phelps or Gray, so you just show your telephone and I will say that it is a combination of all three, for if we try to show the magneto it will be a failure and give those men that has come here with the intention of putting money in it a bad impression. I says do what you like but if anyone asks me I must tell the truth so enters Dr Hertz, with six of the richest men in europe the Hall was crowded, he stands on one side and asked for silence everyone got quite and then he introduced me and Puskas & Baily to the gentlemen present, and said gentlemen it is no use wasting your time trying either the Phelps or Gray telephones, the Edison telephone is what you want to listen to and the only Page 431 telephone that is worth a dam. Baily felt fearful bad over it, and Hertz is a sorry man to day that he let the Edison telephone slip through his hands, he says he was a damed fool, and it was that son of a Bitch Preeces fault for he advised him h to have nothing to do with it. I used 12 receivers in circuit, and could have put in as many more if I had them. I pl showed that I could talk 10 feet away from transmitter in a very low tone and get it red hot at other end. on short line you can talk 50 ft away from transmitter and get it splendid I have got bang up receivers I hope you will send me some as good. I have been asked by some of the men that is going to buy telephone if I should stay in Paris and get everything in running order for them, and that they would pay me well for it, and I said I should providing Edison would give his consent, write you in a few days and give you drawings and all about how the Phonograph received from Telephone 3
I will be at Dover next week4 and will take a run up to London for a day as I want to get my galvanometer and other things
AL, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 19:891). Letterhead of Theodore Puskas. a“Paris, le” and “18” preprinted.
1. Adams had written to Batchelor the day before: “Telephone better than I ever expected to get them everything favorable I think you may expect to get money from telephones in about 3 weeks. I think in about that time everything will be fixed.” DF (TAEM 19:889).
2. At this time the monetary exchange rate was roughly five French francs for one U.S. dollar, twenty-five per British pound. Ency. Brit., s.v. “Money.”
3. Not found.
4. In his letter of the previous day, Adams had indicated that he would “experiment on Dover cable tomorrow week,” meaning Sunday, 18 August. Adams to Batchelor, 10 Aug. 1878, DF ( TAEM 19:889).
Technical Note: Phonograph
[Menlo Park,] Aug 13th 1878
Speaking Phonograph.a
I find that the hissing consonants are by no means perfect on the phonograph that they are worst when no damp improved when a piece of match is put in the rubber, this we all well knew, but it led me to enquire why it was so and I find that the putting in of a match only stiffens and makes more solid the spring to diaphragm. Page 432
that in our ordinary dampened diaph. when the hissing consonants are given the diaph works between the dampeners and the spring rubber, and the point lies dormant against the tinfoil. The remedy I propose is to make point solid on diaph and dampen both sides thus:—1
so that the slightest hiss will come on the tinfoil
X, NjWOE, Lab., Vol. 17:133 (TAEM 4:997). Written by Batchelor. aFollowed by short horizontal line.
1. Two days later, Batchelor wrote of this design that it “gives equally good talking without the spring ... the articulation on this is slightly improved but it has more harmonical sounds owing to the point being direct on the diaphragm.” Cat. 1317:63-65, Batchelor ( TAEM 90:688-89).
2. Edison witnessed this note after his return from his western trip.
Paper for the American Association for the Advancement of Science
August 15, 18781 a
On the use of the Tasimeter for Measuring the Heat of the Stars and of the Sun’s Corona;* by T homas A. Edison, Ph.D. To Prof. Henry Draper, M.D., Director of the Draper Eclipse Expedition:
Dear Sir: The instrument which I used at Rawlins, Wyoming, during the solar eclipse of July 29, 1878, for the purpose Page 433 of measuring the heat of the sun’s corona, was devised by me a short time only before that event, and the time was insufficient to give it as thorough a test as was desirable to ascertain its full capabilities and characteristics.
This instrument I have named the tasimeter, from the Greek words τασισ, extension and μετρον, measure, because primarily the effect is to measure extension of any kind. The form of instrument which I used is shown in the annexed wood cut (Fig. 1.)
With this instrument was used a Thomson’s reflecting galvanometer2 on a tripod having a resistance of three-fourths of an ohm. The galvanometer was placed in the bridge wire of a Wheatstone balance, two of the branches of which had constant resistances of ten ohms each, while of the other two one had a constant of three ohms, and the other contained the tasimeter which was adjusted by means of the screw to three ohms.3 When thus balanced, if the strip of vulcanized rubber placed between the fixed point and the carbon button (seen in Fig. 2), was exposed to heat from any source, it expanded, placing pressure upon the carbon button thus decreasing its resistance and destroying the balance; thus allowing a current to pass through the bridge wire containing the galvanometer, the amount of this current of course being proportional to the expansion of the rubber and to the strength of the battery.
The form of instrument here described was only finished two days before leaving for the west; hence, I was unable to test it.4
Page 434
However, I set it up upon my arrival at Rawlins, but found that it was a very difficult matter to balance so delicate an instrument as a reflecting galvanometer with one cell of battery, through such small resistances. In fact, I did not succeed in balancing it at all in the usual way. Nor could it be balanced in any way until I devised a method which I may designate “fractional balancing,” when it became very easy to accomplish the result and also to increase the effect by using two cells in place of a single one. This device consisted of a rheostat formed of two rows of pins. The rows were about one-half an inch apart. A wire was connected from a pin on one row to a pin on the other row and so on, so that the current had to pass through the whole length of the wire, which was No. 24 gauge and four feet long.5 This was used as a shunt around the galvanometer. A copper wire connecting all the pins of one row served to reduce the resistance to zero. When the galvanometer was thus shunted, a very feeble current passed through it. If the spot of light was not at zero it was brought there by either increasing or decreasing the pressure upon the vulcanite of the tasimeter by the adjusting nut. When thus brought to zero the copper wire of the shunt rheostat was taken off of one pin, thus increasing the resistance of the shunt perhaps to one-fiftieth of an ohm. The spot of light was generally deflected nearly off of the scale. The light was again brought to zero by varying the resistance of the tasimeter, and another one-half inch of wire included in the shunt, another deflection and another balance was obtained by the tasimeter. Thus by gradually increasing the delicacy of the galvanometer by increasing the resistance of the shunt and balancing at every increase, the whole of the current was allowed to pass through the galvanometer and the shunt taken off. When this point was reached the damping magnet or director was in close proximity to the case of the galvanometer. To increase its delicacy to the fullest extent it became necessary Page 435 to raise the director to the top of the rod. This was done by raising it cautiously a quarter of an inch at a time, bringing the spot of light to zero each time by the tasimeter.
In order to form some idea of the delicacy of the apparatus when thus adjusted, a preliminary experiment was made on the evening of the 27th, with the star Arcturus. The tasimeter being attached to the telescope, the image of the star was brought on the vulcanized rubber. The spot of light from the galvanometer moved to the side of heat. After some minor adjustments, five uniform and successive deflections were obtained with the instrument, as the light of the star was allowed to fall on the vulcanite to produce the deflection, or was screened off to allow of a return to zero. 6
It was in this condition when the eclipse occurred. The tasimeter was placed in a double tin case, with water at the temperature of the air between each case. This case was secured to a Dollond telescope7 of four inches aperture. No eye-piece was used. At the moment of totality the spot of light was slowly passing towards cold. When I withdrew a tin screen and allowed the edge of the luminous corona to fall upon the rubber, the spot of light stopped, went gradually off of the scale towards heat, its velocity accelerating as it approached the end.
The time required for the light to leave the scale was from four to five seconds.
I interposed the screen and endeavored to bring the light back to zero, but I was unsuccessful. Had I known that the heat was so great I should have used a platinum strip in place of the vulcanite, and decreased the delicacy of the galvanometer by the approach of the damping magnet. I then would doubtless have succeeded in getting two or more readings, and afterwards by comparison with bodies of known temperature would have obtained a near approach to the temperature of the sun’s corona. 8 Respectfully yours,
*Read, by permission of Dr. Draper, at the St. Louis meeting of the American Association.
PD, Am. J. Sci. 3rd ser. 17 (1879): 52-54. Preceded by “Art. V.” aDate not that of publication.
1. This report is apparently the only one Edison himself read of the four reports that he presented on 23 August in Section A of the American Association for the Advancement of Science meeting in St. Louis; George Barker read the others. See “The Scientists,” The Chicago Tribune, 24 Aug. 1878, 3; and Doc. 1406 n. 6. It was also published in the Association’s Proceedings (27:109-12). Page 436
2. William Thomson developed this type of galvanometer for submarine telegraphy. It consisted of a small mirror, with a magnetized needle on its back, suspended vertically in a thin circular coil of insulated wires. Passage of a current through the wires deflected the needle, causing a beam of light reflected by the mirror to move along a horizontal graduated scale. DSB, s.v. “Thomson, William;” Knight 1877, s.v. “Galvanometer.”
3. The apparatus was shown, with an earlier form of the tasimeter, in a 22 June 1878 Scientific American article that was widely reprinted. Sci. Am. (38:385); Cat. 1240, item 681, Batchelor (TAEM 94:233).
4. See Doc. 1364 n. 1.
5. Following his return from the west Edison made drawings of this “fractional rheostat.” NS-78-003, Lab. (7:783-84).
6. John A. Eddy of the National Center for Atmospheric Research analyzed Edison’s measurement of Arcturus. Based on contemporary newspaper reports, Eddy noted that Edison claimed the tasimeter could detect a temperature difference as small as 10-6F. Eddy’s own analysis showed that this was a reasonable claim; however, he also determined that Edison’s detection of heat in the light from Arcturus “indicates a Noise Equivalent Power for the tasimeter of 10-8 watts or better, in the detector terminology of today.... This conservative estimate ranks the tasimeter far below modern, room-temperature infra-red detectors; as compared to the best cooled detectors of today the tasimeter was four or five orders of magnitude less sensitive.” Eddy 1972, 171, 176.
7. George Barker had brought for Edison’s use a Dolland achromatic refractor. Barker 1879, 121.
8. Eddy also attempted to reconstruct and analyze Edison’s measurement of coronal radiance and confirmed the figure given in Edwin Fox’s New York Herald account that Edison “had shown the existence of about 15 times more heat in the corona than that obtained from the star Arcturus the previous night.” Eddy 1972, 178-80; “The Eclipse,” Cat. 1240, item 801, Batchelor (TAEM 94:305).
From Stockton Griffin
Menlo Park, N.J., Aug 16 1878a
T. A. Edison
Adams cables again “Humbugged by Herz and Beetle yesterdays cable no weight—”1— Puskas cables “Prospect for disposing french telephone patent extremely good though Herz and Beetle trying hard to spoil it— Beetle secured pen for Herz great pity—”2
I advise your coming home at once on account of Mrs Edisons health—
ALS (telegram), NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1057). Letterhead of T. A. Edison. a“Menlo Park, N.J.,” and “187” preprinted.
1. The day before, Adams had cabled Edison: “Can you sell Telephone patents independent of Puskus am offered twenty five thousand dollars for France & Russia or fifty thousand Cash for Europe except England have you received any money from Exhibitions & sales of Phonograph in France Answer me only Post office American Section Exposition.” (TAEM 19:895).
2. Puskas’s telegram to Edison on this date is in DF (TAEM 19:897).
James Adams to Charles Batchelor
Paris, le Aug 18th 1878a
Dear Batch,
Telephones making quite a fuss there is three different partys after it. The only thing that I am glad of is that the telephones is worth fighting for and, another good thing the price is away up, and I am very sorry that Edison undervalued the Telephones for European countrys. but if Puskas will do what he told me he would towards Edison, it will be all right anyhow. Puskas told me that, all that he could get for it was 50,000 francs cash and rest in stock, now Herz made an offer to Puskas of 100,000. francs cash for France & Russia and afterwards 100 125 000 francs, it is true that Herz is not much of a man but he has got good men behind him. Herz only wanted to buy it for them and not for himself, that was what made Puskas mad at him because he thought Herz would make to much money out of it. he told me that if he let Herz have it for that money, he would sell it for not less than 250,000 francs. I told him I would not care. I would sell the Patents to whoever would give the most for it. so he said that is just what he was going to do and that he could get 150,000 francs for France alone, and that he was not going to confine Edison to the amount agreed upon in contract but give him Page 438 double what he expects, if he can comand to a big enough price for it. Herz said if he did not get the telephones from Puskas, he would try what he could do with Edison and if he could not get it from him at the same figures that he offered Puskas, he would law for it as he thought he had a right to it yet. but that is all humbug, he knows well that he cant do anything by law. had there not been so many after h it it is my Honest oppinion opinionb that 500 000 francs would been all that we would ever heard of no matter what he got for it. but I know although Puskas did not tell me, that 300,000 Francs, isb his Price for France and I dont doubt but he will get it. he told me that if Herz tried to cut him out with Edison he would plank down the 40,000 francs agreed in contract, immediatelyb and that would fix all disputes and then he could take his time to carry out his negotitions Telephones is so much better than any magneto telephone, that it impresses everyone favorably the minute they hear it. I am having some experimental receivers made just now as I want to get as small a one as possible, and do the same work. I think I can make one smaller than the Philp,1 and a magnet 3 times as strong as his. have you been able to kill the induction yet otherwise than by putting thick diaphragm in receiver. I have struck something funny in that line, but I may be mistaken but wont say anything about it till I try further experiment, or you might laugh at a fellow. Puskas wants me to go to Italyc as soon as the telephones is of his hands here, once sold here there will be no trouble to go right through all the European countrys there has been some Italians here that has seen it, and [---]d wants Puskas to come to with it as soon as possible. I will finish this letter as soon in a day or two. as I must keep you posted about everything that I hear and know I have got enough to tell you to fill a newspaper.
Recd a letter from you to day of shipment of telephones 2 and one from Ellen tell her I am O.K.
ALS, NjWOE, Batchelor, Unbound Documents 1878 (TAEM 92:291). Letterhead of Theodore Puskas. a“Paris, le” and “18” preprinted. bInterlined above. cObscured overwritten letters. dCanceled.
1. Phelps.
2. On 5 August, Batchelor had informed Adams that he would send four telephone stations for Puskas and four for Gouraud on the 10th. He also indicated that he was sending to Adams a press and dies for making lamblack buttons and a Scientific American article regarding Engineering’s role in the Hughes microphone controversy. Cat. 1330:15, Batchelor (TAEM 93:229); see also Doc. 1396.
To Stockton Griffin
L (telegram), NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1065). Written by Griffin; letterhead of T. A. Edison. a“187” preprinted.
1. That is, on 23 August.
From George Bliss
Chicago Ills Aug 22 1878.a
Thos A Edison
Beetle writes = Edison has carried off the Grand prize, of the paris exposition = 1 Art= Industry = Mechanics etc each have a Grand prize but above all these is the great prize= the Grandest of all which Edison gets. Hold up on Beetle till you see me. Have sent prof Barkers pass
L (telegram), NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1067). Telegram form of Western Union Telegraph Co. a“1878” preprinted.
1. According to the Scientific American Supplement (6:2370), Edison was one of nine American individuals or companies awarded the Grand Prize at the Paris Universal Exposition. The prize ranked above the gold medals given to several dozen other Americans. Edison’s Grand Prize was in recognition of his phonograph, telephone, and electric pen; Elisha Gray received the same honor, in part for his musical telegraph. On 6 August, George Beetle had written Edison about the bestowal of the Grand Prize, a letter that would have reached Menlo Park by this time. Beetle wrote again on 6 September, telling Edison that the award was given “not on any particular invention but as the inventor of the age in which we live” and would not be made public until 1 October. DF (TAEM 17: 588, 590).
Anonymous Article in the New York Daily Tribune
St. Louis, Aug. 23. 1878 1a
mr. edison received as a member.
Announcement of the Honor Awarded Him at Paris—He Reads a Paper on Some of His Inventions.
Mr. Edison was formally presented to the Science Association as a new member by Professor Barker at the general session this morning. Professor Barker said that the time has come when the scientist is no longer the only discoverer; the practical man has found science too slow, and has stepped in and discovered for himself. It gave him great pleasure, he said, Page 440 to introduce Mr. Edison to the association. Mr. Edison was enthusiastically received. Professor Marsh, in a brief speech of welcome, said it would be probably the most gratifying intelligence to the gentleman himself, as well as to the audience, to hear that the association had been informed this morning, by a telegram, that the Grand Prize had been awarded at the Paris Exposition to Mr. Edison for the most wonderful inventions of the age. A motion was made and carried that a committee of three be appointed by the chair, to arrange for a eulogy of the late Professor Henry. Professors Newcomb 2 and Baird,3 of Washington, and Meyer,4 of Hoboken, were appointed as such committee. The association then adjourned to meet in sections.
At half past 12 o’clock Mr. Edison read a description of his tasimeter and a new voltameter.5 He also spoke of the principle involved in the microphone and the carbon telephone, and claimed to be the first one to use finely divided conducting material for the purpose of translating sonorous vibrations into electric waves.6 Mr. Edison will leave the city to-night.
PD, New York Daily Tribune, 24 Aug. 1878, 2. In Cat. 1240, item 854, Batchelor ( TAEM 94:337). aDate not that of publication.
1. The article carried this dateline and was printed as news of the third day’s session of the meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. It was followed by an article dated 21 August describing the first day’s session. Both articles were carried under a general headline “Science at St. Louis.”
2. Simon Newcomb was an internationally renowned mathematical astronomer stationed at the Naval Observatory. DSB, s.v. “Newcomb, Simon.”
3. Zoologist Spencer Baird had been assistant secretary of the Smithsonian Institution since 1850 and succeeded to the secretaryship upon Henry’s death. DSB, s.v. “Baird, Spencer Fullerton.”
4. Alfred Mayer.
5. Docs. 1382 and 1401.
6. According to the 24 August Chicago Tribune (p. 3):
Page 441Mr. E[dison] had four papers before Section “A,” which he was expected to read, and when that section met, immediately after the adjournment of the regular session, a great crowd was present to see and hear him. His papers were “On the Use of the Tasimeter for Measuring the Heat of the Stars and the Sun’s Corona,” “On the Application of the Carbon Button as the Principle Involved in the Microphone,” “The Carbon Telephone,” and “A New Voltameter.” Mr. Edison could only be induced to read one of his papers,—the first one mentioned. Prof. Barker read the other three for him, and a good deal of discussion followed all of them.
A full account of Barker’s presentation on the carbon telephone and the carbon button is found in “A.A.A.S.,” St. Louis Globe Democrat, 27 Aug. 1878; “American Association for the Advancement of Science,” Western Review of Science and Industry , Sept. 1878, Cat. 1032:90, 107, Scraps. (TAEM 27:871, 898).
To Stockton Griffin
L (telegram), NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1074). Written by Griffin; letterhead of T. A. Edison. a“187” preprinted.
1. That is, on 26 August.
To Leslie Ward
Menlo Park, N.J., Aug 25 1878a
Dr Leslie D Ward
If convenient come down on early train tomorrow to see Mrs Edison
To George Gouraud
Menlo Park, N.J., Aug 26 1878a
Gouraud1
You may have half of Telephone interest in England2 just returned home from west. Telegraph Puskas that we send some other styles telephone soon Write Hilborne Roosevelt Paris that Puskas has full authority in matter3
L (telegram), NjWOE, DF (TAEM 19:902). Written by Stockton Griffin; letterhead of T. A. Edison. a“Menlo Park, N.J.,” and “187” preprinted.
1. In a cover note directed to George Ward, Edison asked that the Direct United States Cable Co. transmit this to London “when convenient;” Stockton Griffin sent it at 5:30 p.m..
2. On 30 August, Gouraud cabled Edison asking him to forward his English telephone patent and to provide a copy of the Nottage contract. Page 442 He also inquired as to the price for one hundred telephones without batteries. In reply the following day, Edison indicated that he would send the Nottage contract but asked Gouraud to purchase a copy of the patent there. Edison also stated that a complete telephone station cost twenty dollars. Gouraud subsequently discovered that it would be three months before he would be able to obtain a copy of Edison’s telephone patent in England and cabled Edison on 9 September to ask him to request his English patent solicitors to provide a copy. DF (TAEM 19:906-7, 912).
3. On 24 August, Roosevelt had cabled Edison to ask if he would “accept twenty five Thousand dollars cash Telephone France and Russia Puskas refuses he is bound to Bailey.” DF ( TAEM 19:899).
From William Barrett
Monkstown.a Co[unty]. Dublin Aug 26 [1878]1
Dear Sir,
You may possibly have seen my articles in Nature2 & Good Words3 &c. a copy of the latter I send by this mailb in on your discoveries, if not I will send them to you if you will allow me. Having been asked to deliver the opening lecture at the chief midl Scientific Institute in the Midland Counties of England “The Midland Institute” at Birmingham on Sept 30,c next, & also at the well known London Institution in Deer & the Royal Institution at Hull in Jany, I have selected the fello title of “Mr Edison & some of his Discoveries”:— I am therefore anxious to bring before the public here an epitome of your work with Experimental illustrations . If you will kindly aid me in this I shall be deeply obliged, as my lectures will be noticed—in briefly reported in the London Times & more fully in the provincial papers, & subsequently republished 4 I am anxious to have thed latest & fullest information. Can I show your “tasimeter” & your “telephone”?5 I hope to arrange for the phonograph with the Stereoscopic Company6 Believe me Yours truly
If you have an agent here perhaps you would instruct him or could I procure from you direct the instruments named.
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1080). a“Monkstown.” preprinted. b“a copy ... mail” written in left margin with indication to insert it here. cUnderlined twice. dObscured overwritten letters.
1. Stockton Griffin supplied the year in a copy he made of this letter. DF (TAEM 15:1083).
2. Barrett (1878a) reviewed the telephonic work of Philip Reis and proclaimed at the end Page 443
it is unlikely the telephone of the future will employ the voice to generate the driving power, but only to modulate the flow of a current obtained by coarser means. It is in this direction that Reis worked, and though his method was faulty in the employment of an intermittent current, the same cannot be said of the arrangements adopted by Mr. Edison, of New Jersey. And inasmuch as Mr. Edison has already discovered and brought to a practical issue such remarkable additions to our knowledge as quadruplex telegraphy, the electro-motograph, and the phonograph, we have, in these achievements, the earnest of success to those excellent telephonic investigations wherein Mr. Edison has already won an enduring fame.
In this article, Barrett also included a lengthy footnote—part of the prominent public debate about spiritualism, mesmerism, and science—in which he used Edison’s discovery of the phonograph to challenge the epistemological standards recently propounded by the noted physiologist William Carpenter, a strong critic of all proposed evidence of spiritualist phenomena (Carpenter 1877; Kottler 1974, 179).
3. Barrett 1878b. In this article Barrett discussed the phonograph and experiments conducted with it by British scientists as well as reports of the capabilities of Edison’s more recent models. He also included illustrations drawn from other publications and the image of Edison alone with the phonograph taken at Mathew Brady’s studio.
4. Reports on the Midland Institute Lecture appeared in Nature (18 [1878]: 630) and the London Times (8 Oct. 1878, 7). Baldwin (1925, 30) mentions that Barrett gave his lecture to the London Institution in December 1878, but mistakenly credits this as the introduction to the British public of the Edison carbon transmitter.
5. See Doc. 1453.
6. In his article in Good Words, Barrett noted that “through the obliging kindness of the London Stereoscopic Company” he had “had the opportunity of making a series of experiments with a very perfect instrument” (Barrett 1878b, 562). However, see Doc. 1645 concerning his subsequent difficulties in obtaining phonographs for his lectures.
7. William Barrett (later knighted) was the physics professor at the Royal Dublin School of Science and a founder of the Society for Psychical Research. WWW 2, s.v. “Barrett, Sir William Fletcher.”
From George Nottage
Sandown Isle of Wight Aug 26th 1878.
Dear Mr Edison,
I have had your letter of the 2nd inst sent to me here, and I have now the pleasure of sending you the “pamphlet” asked for.1 You will find it a collection of the various articles upon your Instrument.
It is a very remarkable circumstance that tho’ we have had orders out for the Superior Insts. for many months we have not yet had a delivery the makers not succeeding in making Page 444 them perfect. We are however promised some almost immediately.
We have sent out the Inst to Liverpool & other towns but I am sorry to say that the expenses have been more than the Receipts. We have however obtained several orders.
I should be much obliged to you, if you could send me over a sample of one which could be produced cheaply by you for our Christmas Trade. Of course it would be wanted as soon as possible to order from. It appears to me that in America your perfection of machinery is so great that you can produce the screw so much more perfect at a low price, than our men can. It ought to be a nice looking Inst. The one sent before was rather rough— I think if the point & mouthpiecea werare fixed on a piece of metal which works in two grooves, it is better than the old arrangement.
I am sorry to see there has been such a difference between you & Mr Preece and Mr Hughes. I cannot myself decide upon the abstract merits of the case between you. My firm has had some of the small Microphones but they have not done 5£ worth of sales in them— Bell’s Coy have fixed such a heavy prices upon their Telephones that they are almost prohibitive.
I hear you have been inventing some extraordinary Insts lately exciting the wonder of the Scientific world. I trust you will be able to perfect them, and if there are any of them we can work commercially I shall be happy to do so.
I am Dear Mr Edison Yours faithfully
PS We had the Phono. shewnb at the British Assn for Advancement of Science in Dublin. It created great interest.
ALS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 15:1076). a“& mouthpiece” interlined above. bObscured overwritten letters.
1. Edison had asked Nottage to “please favor us with a pamphlet published by the London Star on the Phonograph.” This item has not been found. 2 Aug. 1878, Lbk. 3:327 (TAEM 28:768).
Technical Note: Electric Lighting
X, NjWOE, Lab. Vol. 16:6 (TAEM 4:485). Copied by William Carman in Cat. 994:117, Lab. (TAEM 3:227).
1. The text in the drawing is “platina,” “Boron,” and “or silicon.” This is the first dated evidence of Edison’s work on electric lighting following his return from the West. It is similar to his efforts on this subject in September 1877 (see Docs. 855 and 1044). He discussed those earlier experiments in an undated note, apparently from 1877:
The account entry labeled “Electro Silicon Light,” which began on 30 August and continued into the second week of October, would have included lamps of this design (Cat. 1185:61, Scraps. [TAEM 22:587]).If a small peice of Silicum be placed between the carbon points of an electric light and a weight be placed upon the upper vertical carbon, the passage of the current will heat the Silicum and cause the electric arc to appear This continues indefinitely, the silicum preserving the continuity of the arc both by its Conductivity, and by its presence as a seperator of the two carbons. I have only tried it with elements of high internal resistance. Boron does not answer so well. [Undated Notes and Drawings, Menlo Park Period, Lab. (TAEM 45:128)]
2. Stockton Griffin, who was a notary public, embossed with his seal Page 446 and signed certain laboratory notebook entries between the end of August and the second week of October 1878. He marked many others with a stamp that said, “Personally appeared before me this day of 18 , the said Thos. A. Edison, Chas. Batchelor, John Kreusi, and Martin Force, and acknowledged the above to be their signatures. Notary Public.” He signed very few of the stamped pages and never filled in the blanks.
Technical Note: Telephony and Tuning Forks
X, NjWOE, Lab., Vol. 14:146 (TAEM 4:303). Page 447
1. At the August 1879 meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science Edison presented a paper on this resonant tuning fork. The published abstract provides the following description:
For the purpose of rendering audible the sounds produced by tuning forks, they are generally mounted upon resonant boxes containing a column of air whose vibrating period is the same as that of the fork. I have devised a modification of this plan, by which the box is dispensed with, the resonant chamber, as is shown in the cut, being formed by the prongs themselves. To make the fork, a thick tube of bell-metal, one end of which is closed, has a slit sawed longitudinally through its center, the slit being nearly to the closed end. This slit divides the tube equally and gives two vibrating prongs, analogous to those of a fork. To bring the prongs into unison with the column of air between them, the tube is put in a lathe and turned thinner until the desired point is reached and the two are in unison. Thereupon the sound of the fork is powerfully reinforced. [Edison 1880, 178]
Edison apparently had John Kruesi make the fork following his return from the West. NS-78-001 and NS-78-010, both Lab. (TAEM 7:732, 899).
Draft to William Wastell 1
Menlo Park, N.J., Aug 31 1878a
Dr Sir
In understand that Wm P Edison still continues to run opposition to the road.2 I have repeatedly complained to him of the injustice of running opposition to a road in which I am the largest stockholder but to this he replies that he must live, make a living. It does seem to me that this spite business personal feelingb on the part of our people out there has not nor never will pay: In my opinion the best thing is to buy him off consoli by giving him a position in the road that will at least give him a living & secure his services cooperation and stop all further trouble. What say you.
DfS, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 19:403). Letterhead of T. A. Edison. a“Menlo Park, N.J.,” and “187” preprinted. b“personal feeling” interlined above.
1. William Wastell, a Port Huron druggist, was one of the original organizers of the Port Huron and Gratiot Street Railway. Jenks n.d., 2, 4, 7; History of St. Clair County, Michigan 1883, 585-86.
2. The Port Huron Railway Co. had been formed in January 1877 when the Port Huron and Gratiot Street Railway and City Railway merged; Edison held 158 shares in the company (see TAEB 3:575 n. 1; Docs. 841 and 1148). In late 1877 his brother Pitt had “started an omnibus and baggage waggon” that cut “into the earnings of the road from Page 448 11 to 12 dollars pr day” (Wastell to TAE, 10 Nov. 1877, and see 12 Feb. 1878, both DF [TAEM 14:599; 19:385]). According to Antoine Marontate of the Port Huron Railway, Pitt was still running his omnibus in late May and soliciting passengers from the Chicago and Lake Huron Railroad, where Pitt’s son Charles was working in the ticket office. Marontate, who asked for Edison’s advice regarding Pitt’s opposition, also claimed that because of the belief that Pitt was still connected with the Port Huron Railway, many in town “give their baggage to his man thinking it is all one.” In mid–July, Marontate sent Edison a six-month financial statement of the Port Huron Railway and, though he did not mention Pitt by name, indicated that the opposition “are running two waggons all the time which takes considerable from us” (Marontate to TAE, 23 May and 12 July 1878, both DF [TAEM 19:397, 401]).
Patent Model Specification: Multiple Telegraphy
[Menlo Park,] Aug 31 1878
X, NjWOE, NS-78-010, Lab. (TAEM 7:900). Letterhead of T. A. Edison. aWritten in an unknown hand, possibly by John Ott.
1. Text is “fine wire.” This model order was for a patent application that became Edison’s case 160, executed on 11 November 1878. After initial rejection, due to improperly phrased and overly vague claims, Edison amended the application, which issued in July 1879 as U.S. Patent 217,782, assigned to Western Union Telegraph Co. Additional instructions (not found) must have specified modifications in the ultimate model so it would match the circuit illustrated in the finished application. An account entry for the patent model, dated 6 September, is in Cat. 1185:218, Scraps. (TAEM 22:654); the model is at the Edison Institute. Page 449
2. This patent model drawing is part of Edison’s recurring work in the field of multiple telegraphy, a concern stretching back to his earliest inventive years. It shows only selected aspects of a design that would allow use of a portion of a telegraph line (that is, between way stations) for one message while the whole or a larger part of the line was simultaneously in use for another message. The key feature was a transmitter (shown in the center of the diagram) that created an electrical signal by reversing the connections without breaking the circuit of an electromagnet (shown at left) in a line that always had current in it. Because this would neither change the basic current strength nor reverse the current, it did not affect either ordinary or polarized relay receivers used on the main line, but would be readily detectable by a telephone receiver (not shown) placed at the way stations. While Edison had determined enough of the design to start the construction of the patent model with this sketch, over the next few days he considered alternative arrangements, including the use of an induction coil instead of a regular electromagnet, before settling on the design shown in the patent (see NS-78-010, Lab. [TAEM 7:901]). Starting in 1885, Edison developed a commercially valuable system, called the Phonoplex, that was very closely related to the designs noted here (U.S. Pat. 333,289; TAEM-G2-3, s.v. “Edison Phonoplex System”).
For clarification of the basic requirements of duplex telegraph designs, and an overview of Edison’s continuing work in the field and his interest in the problem of way stations in such systems, see TAEB 1:31–32, 3:280-82, and Docs. 282-83, 285, 348, 392, and 485.
STANDARD MODEL EXHIBITION TINFOIL PHONOGRAPH Doc. 1416
Development work by Batchelor and Edward Johnson led to the final form of the commercial tinfoil phonograph by the end of August. It was based on the new large flywheel phonograph Edison and Batchelor had designed during June (Doc. Page 450 1369), which Batchelor modified after Pool & Company delivered ten of these instruments in mid–August. The design also incorporated changes made by Johnson to the old exhibition machines then being sold by the Edison Speaking Phonograph Company. They completed the design after Edison returned from his western trip in late August, and by the beginning of September, Johnson was exhibiting one of the new phonographs in New York.1
Among the most important design changes Batchelor made in the Pool & Company phonographs was the redesign of the mouthpiece arm. Rather than placing this arm on a lever that swiveled horizontally away from the cylinder, he mounted it on a base that allowed the arm to pivot vertically down and away from the cylinder. To permit the operator to place the stylus more precisely he also placed two side-adjusting screws on the base, described as “centre screws for moving the mouth-piece to the right or left, as may be required to bring the stylus to a position exactly in the centre of a groove? The final design also included “a screw for regulating the depth of the groove made in the record foil by the stylus.”2 Batchelor decided to move the threaded part of the throw-out from the back of the shaft to the bottom, “because it helps to hold up the shaft and probably makes it run easier.”3 Finally, the revamped instrument used a simple rubber-covered steel rod to crimp the foil into the slot cut across the cylinder, replacing the slide-mounted bar on the Pool & Co. phonographs. 4
Johnson’s principal contribution was “an adjustable Mouthpiece & Dampener combined” so that “a given adjustment which talks low can be made to ‘speak right out in meeting’—by simply easing up or tightning the adjustment.” According to the directions that came with the machine, an operator could dampen the vibrations of the diaphragm by turning “the mouth-piece to the right by small degrees, until the movement of the stylus is perceptibly diminished.” Though the proper adjustment might require some experimentation, Johnson claimed that his design “renders but the work of a moment that which heretofore required even of me with my experience from 15 to 30 minutes.” The company claimed that “when properly adjusted the Phonograph will speak loud enough to be distinctly heard by an audience of from three to five thousand people.” 5
The Edison Speaking Phonograph Company planned to offer two models. The first was an “exhibition instrument” made entirely of iron except for the brass cylinder “grooved Page 451 with twenty-four threads per inch.” The second was a fine “drawing room instrument” with a cylinder having forty threads per inch that gave it “nearly double the recording surface on a cylinder of the same size.” The company claimed that this also “adds a trifle to the distinctness of the articulation, and approximates more nearly the quality of the voice.” The drawing-room instrument was made entirely of “brass, hand-filed and beautifully finished throughout. The flywheel, base, etc. being of brass, the instrument is given a rich appearance. It is mounted upon a handsome rosewood and inlaid box, with drawer for tools”; the iron machine was mounted upon a “neat white wood box,” which also had a tool drawer. Besides tools and materials for repair and adjustment, each machine came with a set of instructions, six styli, five pounds of tinfoil, and “a funnel for increasing the volume of sound in the reproduction.” All of these phonographs were manufactured by S. Bergmann & Company, which also supplied the tinfoil. 6
When the first fine brass machines were ready in mid–October the company began offering “three styles of Phonographs for exhibition purposes,—one of iron at $100; one of higher finish with brass mountings at $150; and the last entirely of brass at $200.” 7 During the rest of the year, only one of the all-brass machines was sold. This was listed in the November royalty report as a “Brass Machine” and is probably the “1 Extra Brass Phonograph” manufactured by Bergmann & Co. in October for ninety dollars with supplies. Bergmann & Co. did manufacture five “Fancy Brass Phonographs” for eighty-five dollars in November and another two in early December. Although Johnson claimed on 9 December that he had sold six of them, royalty reports list only one sold in January and another in March 1879.8
1. See Docs. 1419 and 1421 n. 1.
2. This design change was apparently made by 23 August, the date of an account entry for an “Improved Hand Phono Swing dia[phragm] Bracket.” Cat. 1185:289, Accts. (TAEM 22:683); Vol. 17:136-38, Lab. (TAEM 4:1000-2); Johnson 1878, 3-5.
3. Vol. 17:135, Lab. (TAEM 4:999); Johnson 1878, 3, 6.
4. This simplified crimping design dated from 26 June. It is unclear whose idea it was. The drawing, which may be by John Kruesi, is signed by Edison, Batchelor, and Johnson. Vol. 17:128, Lab. (TAEM 4:993).
5. Johnson to Uriah Painter, 6 Aug. 1878, UHP; Johnson 1878, 2, 5.
6. Johnson 1878, 1-2, 4; S. Bergmann & Co. circular, 22 Oct. 1878, Box 4, UHP.
7. Charles Bailey to Wm. Harmon, 12 Oct. 1878, ESP Lbk. 3:377, Page 452 UHP. There are apparently no extant all brass machines but one of the bases for them survives. The company seems to have sold four different machines. The all brass machine sold for $200 and the all iron machine for $100. There were two intermediary machines, one cost $125 and had an iron cylinder and mouthpiece holder but included brass adjusting screws and a brass endpiece on the throwout mechanism while the other sold for $150 and included a brass cylinder, mouthpiece and holder, oil cups, adjusting screws and throwout mechanism. Extant machines, all labeled “Experimental apparatus for illustrating the principle of Edison’s speaking phonograph, patented February 19, 1878. Manufactured by S. Bergmann & Co.,” can be found in the United States at the Henry Ford Museum and the Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution. The Edison National Historic Site has a related experimental model. Edison Speaking Phonograph Co. royalty statements for October–December 1878, DF (TAEM 19:198, 201, 204).
8. The other brass instruments (with supplies) cost sixty dollars to manufacture. The improved iron machines actually cost forty-five dollars with supplies, five more than the old style, but Johnson agreed to bear half the loss and the company paid $42.50 for them. Doc. 1609; Bergmann & Co. bills to Edison Speaking Phonograph Co., 7 and 15 Oct., 19 and 26 Oct., 2 and 30 Nov., and 7 Dec. 1878, all Box 4, UHP; Edison Speaking Phonograph Co. royalty statements for October–December 1878, January 1879, and March 1879; and Johnson to TAE, 5 Feb. 1879, all DF (TAEM 19:198, 201, 204; 51:694, 703, 692).
Production Model: Phonograph 1
M (76 cm × 29 cm × 32 cm), Hummel.
1. See headnote above.
2. This phonograph is numbered 114. The design was settled in August, and this particular machine evidently was made sometime during Page 454 the fall—A. R. C[runu?] (otherwise unidentified) bought it for $125 in December. Edison Speaking Phonograph Co. royalty statement for December 1878, DF (TAEM 19:204).
This is an intermediate model; the thread on the cylinder and shaft is twenty-four turns per inch, rather than forty, while the base and supports are of iron and only a few parts are brass. The shaft, with the recording cylinder and flywheel, can be removed by taking off the tops of the journals.
The initial design, as illustrated in the company’s instructions, employed a five-spoke flywheel, following the example of the phonographs delivered to Menlo Park in August (Doc. 1369). This machine’s flywheel, however, has six spokes, as do other known examples (see head–note above, n. 6). An undated photograph at the Edison National Historic Site shows that at least one of the phonographs was produced with a five-spoke flywheel (ENHS photograph # 29.150/22).
Some parts of the original phonograph are missing: the wax and rubber damping arrangement (for the diaphragm, needle, and spring), the flywheel handle, and the funnel. The original steel needle has been replaced with one of sapphire.
Memorandum: Canadian Telephone Rights
Menlo Park, N.J.,a [August 1878?]1
Release from Badger to Edison giving up all claims agreements etc on payment of $1,000.
Contract between Edison & G&Stock Co [-]b to pay a yearly royalty of one dollar to Edison on each Carbon Telephone instrument sent to Canad used in Canada during life of patent.2 G.&.Stock Co to pay the $1000 which goes to Badger Page 455
AD, NjWOE, DF (TAEM 19:905). Letterhead of T. A. Edison. a“Menlo Park, N.J.” preprinted. bCanceled.
1. In September 1877, Franklin Badger, superintendent of the Montreal Fire Alarm System, had acquired exclusive rights to Edison’s telephone inventions for Canada. In May 1878, Edison asked him to transfer these rights to Gold and Stock Telegraph Co. Badger at first sought to retain rights to the city of Montreal, and offered the rest of Canada for $2,500, with $500 going to Edison as a commission. By the end of August he had agreed to a complete transfer for $1,000 and he and Edison discussed the possibility of transferring the rights for $1,200, with Edison receiving $200. The release was finalized in late November and sent to Badger for his signature; he received $1,000. TAEB 3:549 n. 1; Badger to TAE, 16 May, 22 June, 15 July, 30 Aug., and 4 Nov. 1878, and 18 Jan. 1879; George Walker to TAE, 19 Oct. and 23 Nov. 1878, all DF (TAEM 19:853, 863, 874, 904, 952, 972, 979; 52:172); TAE to Badger, 29 Sept., 9 and 16 Oct. 1878, Lbk. 3:384, 397, 419 ( TAEM 28:819, 831, 851).
2. George Walker, vice president of Gold and Stock, was negotiating with Edison regarding this matter. Walker also served as president of American Speaking Telephone Co., and the first Edison assignment of his Canadian rights was to this latter company on 15 October. However, on 21 January the assignment was made instead to Gold and Stock. Agreements of 15 Oct. 1878 and 21 Jan. 1879; Walker to TAE, 24 Jan. 1879, all DF (TAEM 19:942; 52:180, 184).