Generals and Scholars: Military Rule in Medieval Korea

6 Peasants and Lowborns

110 The century following the 1170 coup witnessed significant social change as the old aristocratic order began to give way to peasant unrest, slave rebellions, and a general erosion of social restrictions. The chaos that accompanied the rise of Yi Ŭimin and other men of humble origins during the last decade of Myŏngjong’s rule has already been discussed. When Ch’oe Ch’unghŏn seized control of the kingdom in 1196 and passed power to his son and grandson, the Ch’oe leaders pursued two distinct policies. On the one hand, they rigorously maintained traditional class divisions and sought to limit both peasant and slave aspirations for political power. At the same time, they allowed their personal followers of lower-class origins to advance into positions of prestige and authority, if only to gain their loyal support. This chapter focuses on the events surrounding the peasant and lowborn classes during the Ch’oe rule. We will look at the social history of the period to understand the life of these people and see how the Ch’oe regime used both peasants and lowborns to its advantage. In addition, we will examine the local and regional power structure in relation to the peasantry and the Ch’oe House. The effectiveness of Ch’oe personnel and Ch’oe leadership can be seen in the implementation of Ch’oe policy and their interaction with the nonelites. Traditional leadership in Koryŏ evolved from one of three social groups: powerful local lineages, central aristocratic lineages, or military officer lineages. Peasants and those of lowborn status were relatively unimportant, as social codes, Confucian ideology, and dynas6 Peasants and Lowborns Peasants and Lowborns 111 tic institutions curtailed their access to power. Although the term for lowborns (ch’ŏnmin) is elusive, generally it refers to people of inferior birth, lower than peasants, that the Koryŏ dynastic system had denied entry into high-ranking offices. Lowborns generally include such people as slaves (nobi), eunuchs, ferrymen, station attendants, weavers , actors, and musicians.1 Peasants Although subordinate to the politically powerful ruling elites (but above the lowborns), peasants performed important functions in Koryŏ society. It was their labors that fed this agrarian country and their taxes that financed its administration. The ruling elite restrained peasants from advancing politically and economically and thereby enjoyed a monopoly of power and prestige in the kingdom. Despite their desire for total authority, the Koryŏ leaders could not ignore the needs of the peasants. They acknowledged that their own fortunes ultimately rested on the tacit support of the peasants. This meant that the welfare of the masses, according to classical rhetoric, had to be considered in political decision making and that agriculture had to be encouraged. To this end, the government dispatched officials to ensure the proper management of local affairs and the integrity of its local operations. Peasants had to be protected from the depredations of the powerful. In short, conditions that might spark peasant wrath had to be alleviated to assure the efficient operation of the dynasty. Peasants were the foundation of the nation, as the Confucian dictum asserts. And if that base were upset, the dynasty would be in turmoil. The central government did not assert itself directly in local affairs. It divided the country into circuits (to), provinces (mok), prefectures (chu), and districts (kun, hyŏn). When emergencies arose, the central government dispatched inspector generals (sasimgwan), commissioners (anch’alsa), and other ad hoc officials to address these problems. These, however, were temporary offices. The only central officials posted outside the capital for specified terms were the magistrates (suryong) at the chu level and the lesser magistrates (kammu) at the hyŏn level. The magistrate system covered only one-third of the localities, however, leaving vast areas of the countryside with indirect rule. To fill this gap the central government depended on the effi- 112 Generals and Scholars ciency of the local headman (hojang) and local magnates (hyangni) to initiate and enforce policy.2 These local leaders—together with officials appointed by the central government to inspect the local administration, such as commissioners and inspector generals—generally attended to peasants’ needs and thus averted uprisings. Society was stable. Peasants and lowborns acknowledged their subservient positions.3 During Myŏngjong’s reign, however, this order began to crumble. As we have seen, the local power structure changed fundamentally...