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203 Notes Some material in the Introduction, chapter 2, and especially chapter 3 is taken from “Socialist Scenarios, Power, and State Formation in Sandinista Nicaragua,” American Ethnologist 34(1): 71–90, 2007, which is reproduced by permission of the American Anthropological Association. A different version of chapter 4 was published as “House, Street, Collective: Revolutionary Geographies and Gender Transformation in Nicaragua, 1979-1999,” Latin American Research Review 38(2): 61–93, which is reproduced by permission from the University of Texas Press. Portions of chapter 5 were published in Spanish in “Falsas promesas de ‘la casa’. Contradicciones y conciencia de género entre mujeres nicaragüenses: una perspectiva etnográfica,” Estudios Sociológicos 23(3): 557–586, which is reproduced by permission from El Colegio de México. Portions of the Conclusions appear in “Contradiction and Struggle under the Leftist Phoenix: Rural Nicaragua at the Thirtieth Anniversary of the Revolution,” in Central America in the New Millennium: Living Transition and Reimagining Democracy, edited by Jennifer Burrell and Ellen Moodie (New York: Berghahn Books, forthcoming 2012). Reproduced by permission from Berghahn Books. Introduction 1. By “village leader,” I refer to a person who, although not officially elected, is recognized by community members and outsiders as having leadership in local affairs and who acts as a mediator between local and regional/national structures of authority. 2. I define patriarchy as a hierarchical system of unequal age and gender relations based on the domination and authority of the father. 3. I define subjectivity as a set of embodied potentialities realized under concrete material conditions. In this conception, dominant discourses indeed shape 204 · Notes subjectivity. However, by contrast to Foucaultian notions, which posit subjectivity as subjection to dominant discourses, this conception sees embodiment as offering a moment of indeterminacy, or possibility, through the subject’s mobilization of the past and anticipation of the future. (See McNay 2000 for a discussion of feminist theories that posit subjectivity in these terms.) The concept of subjectivity differs from the concept of identity in that the latter refers to self-conscious (implicit or explicit) practices of identification. 4. By “voluntarism,” I mean the theoretical notion that regards people’s actions as resulting from a relatively unrestricted will (rather than, for example, agency as it is shaped by particular social conditions and structures). 5. Most feminist scholars of Nicaraguan women under Sandinismo have made these arguments. See, for example, Collinson (1990), Kampwirth (1998), Olivera et al. (1992), Padilla et al. (1987), Pérez Alemán (1990), Molyneux (1985a, 1985b, 1988). 6. On women’s economic organizing and participation, see Collinson (1990), Deere (1983), Olivera et al. (1992), Padilla et al. (1987), Pérez Alemán (1990). On women’s political organizing and movements, see Bayard de Volo (2001), Chamorro (1989), Collinson (1990), Criquillon (1995), de Montís (1996), Fernández Poncela (1997), Isbester (2001), Kampwirth (2001, 2002, 2004), Murguialday (1990), Randall (1981, 1994), and Stoltz Chinchilla (1990, 1994). 7. For Taylor (2003, 3), performance is both an ontological reality and a methodological lens that brackets particular realities as performance. As forms of performance, scenarios partake of both these dimensions. In this work, however, I use the concept primarily to refer to a reality “out there,” albeit one that in some cases I have identified as a scenario through my own methodological lens. 8. Field (1999, 85–86), discusses how Wheelock’s views shaped Sandinista cultural policy toward indigenous potters in the Masaya-Carazo region in ways that rendered their ethnicity invisible. Anthropologist Charles Hale (1994, chap. 4) similarly demonstrates how conceptions of Indians as culturally backward in Wheelock’s and other Sandinista leaders’ discourse informed a misguided policy toward the Atlantic Coast Miskitu. Historian Jeffrey Gould (1998) offers an historical analysis of the creation of the myth of a mestizo Nicaragua. Chapter 1 1. My interviews on landholding in the village historically, as well as my conversations with elders from El Tule and neighboring villages, indicate that most inhabitants of these hamlets owned land parcels ranging widely in size, but rarely larger than three hundred manzanas. In El Tule, the norm was sixty-four manzanas, which would make these families “middle peasants.” These cultivators were also involved in petty marketing activities, and the men worked for wages in neighboring haciendas. Young women sometimes worked as domestics in urban areas until they formed a conjugal union. 2. Dore (2006, chaps. 6 and 7) offers an interesting gendered analysis of the dynamics of debt peonage in Diriomo. 3. The issuance of...

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