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>> 169 Notes notes to the Introduction 1. See Hennessy (2000) for the most sustained, contemporary treatment of sexuality, labor, and capital. 2. Lauren Berlant, personal communication, 2003. 3. The Human Rights Campaign describes this exclusion as a “one-time” exception to its principle of inclusive antidiscrimination legislation, adopted when leadership in the U.S. House of Representatives informed HRC in 2007 that there were not enough votes to pass a bill inclusive of gender identity. For HRC Board policy on the Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA), see http://www.hrc.org/ issues/workplace/12346.htm (accessed July 28, 2010). For a chart documenting the years elapsed between city, county, and state inclusion of sexual orientation and gender-identity expression as protected categories, see data from the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, http://www.thetaskforce.org/downloads/reports/fact_ sheets/years_ passed_gie_so_7_07.pdf (accessed July 28, 2010). The Task Force calculates an average of 14.5 years between the protection of sexual orientation and gender identity among the 103 jurisdictions that included both as of 2007. 4. For historical monographs that speak to class relations in lesbian and gay communities and populations, see, e.g., Kennedy and Davis (1993), Chauncey (1994), Johnson (2004), and Houlbrook (2006). Also, Badgett et al. (2007, iii) note that recent data on lesbian incomes are less clear. “In some studies, [lesbians] earn more than heterosexual women but less than heterosexual or gay men.” 5. Another post- (or now pre-) election task is to block the refrain, among elite liberals and conservatives, against “crass” candidates and their constituencies, a refrain reinvigorated during the 2010 midterm elections. In 2008, Sarah Palin was irresistible to comics and critics alike for being a misinformed spendthrift, and, more recently, Christine O’Donnell, Tea Party primary winner (defeating the Republican incumbent from Delaware in 2010), was rousted for her history of debt and unemployment. Neither Palin’s politics nor O’Donnell’s especially distinguished them from their elite party confrères among Republicans, but they were easy targets as barely educated figures for conservative politicos like Karl Rove, progressive pundits like Rachel Maddow and Jon Stewart, and celebrity anchors like Katie Couric. It was a relief, for example, to read Jonathan Raban’s scathing account (2008) of Palin’s gubernatorial politics in Alaska, a piece rich in political exposure and devoid of class baiting. I recall many 2008 election-season conversations with academic colleagues from working- and mixed-class backgrounds; 170 > 171 5. The phrase “condescending glamorizing” comes from Munt (2000, 12). In North America, with a few religious exceptions, poverty is most noble in the eyes of those who are not (or are no longer) poor. With the pain and corrosion of poverty set aside, a poor background can make for noble material indeed if a person moves into a position of status and authority, for example, in cabinet and Supreme Court confirmation hearings. In truth, I think there is human nobility in surviving poverty and millions of people routinely do it in the United States without ever becoming cabinet ministers or Supreme Court justices. But when popular discourses are not condemning poverty as a personal rather than social failure, they redeem it with attributions of noble modesty. Such an equation says little about poverty or inequality, though much about the representational authority of privilege. 6. Brandon is also exposed for car theft and bad checks, but he is punished for gender fraud, not check fraud. The criminal proceedings lead to his exposure, however, and justify the accusation that he brought his fate on himself as a liar. But here, too, the lie that counts is the judged disparity between his “female” morphology and masculine gender identification. notes to Chapter 2: Queer Visibility and Social Class 1. Lawrence v. Texas, 000 U.S. 02-102 (2003); Goodridge v. Dept. of Public Health, 798 N.E.2d 941 (Mass. 2003). 2. Since 2002, same-sex marriage has been legally recognized in six states, including New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Iowa, and the District of Columbia. In California, same-sex marriage was recognized in 2008 and rescinded later that year by ballot Proposition 8. See Introduction, n. 5, this volume. 3. The only regular black character on the program, Bette’s half-sister Kit, played by Pam Grier, is a cabaret singer and recovering alcoholic, whose depth of understanding comes at the cost of a difficult and mismanaged life. Grier delivers the show’s most sentient and multidimensional performance. I couldn’t...