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>> 109 4 Ebony Affluence Afrocentric Middle Classness Scripture and Status One Sunday, Reverend Lomax preached on the biblical character Zacchaeus and drew some compelling parallels between him and the membership of First Afrikan. The scripture for his sermon was taken from Luke 19:1–10, which is about Zacchaeus, an avaricious tax collector who, owing to his short stature, was obliged to climb a sycamore tree in order to see Jesus as he passed through town. Jesus beckoned Zacchaeus from the tree and announced that he would dine at Zacchaeus’s home, much to the consternation of those from whom Zacchaeus had collected taxes: With my mind’s eye, I see Zacchaeus as a man with almond brown skin, bright smiling brown eyes, a sharp nose with mildly flaring nostrils. A white turban is wrapped perfectly around his head, and his brown ankle-length gown is covered by a burgundy and brown striped robe made of expensive Egyptian cotton. One huge golden ring encrusted with rubies rested comfortably on his right index finger. His hands 110 > 111 A Middle Class Constituency I first became intrigued with First Afrikan’s notions of middle classness after reading the following excerpt from the church’s website: First Afrikan Presbyterian Church is quickly approaching its tenth anniversary . God has richly blessed us. We have grown from 48 prospective members in April of 1993 to nearly 700 in January 2003. We have established ministries that effectively nurture our members spiritually, culturally , and intellectually. We remain steadfast in our commitment to be a holistic church, meeting the multifaceted needs of an emerging African American middle class constituency. I was a bit taken aback that class would be featured so prominently in how a church identified itself, and, after noting the theme of class in some of the sermons, I began to wonder why this status was such a prominent feature for the leadership and if the membership concurred that First Afrikan was a middle class constituency. I asked Reverend Coleman why middle class status was included in the church’s description of itself: I think it’s more a recognition that most of the people who come to First Afrikan are coming from the middle class, and that it is our primary constituency. So it’s described that way as an acknowledgment of who most often finds their way to First Afrikan and stays to participate in that ministry. So it’s not saying this is the only class we want to work with, it’s just most of us. I did not survey the entire congregation to determine whether or not they considered themselves to be middle class, but I did ask the participants in my study. All but one defined the church as middle class. Beverly Rawlins said that the church was definitely not middle class. “Well, that’s what they call it, but I don’t think so,” she said. She thinks that, as of late, more people of lower economic standing have joined the church. This was not necessarily a problem, she insisted, just something that she had noticed. 112 > 113 those behaviors associated with the middle class, such as a stable family , community involvement, church membership, and a respectable job. Whereas the American mainstream emphasizes income, African Americans tend to privilege educational attainment, occupational prestige , taste, and conspicuous consumption. “Class is viewed as a function of attitude, behavior, and personal character and is independent of power in the wider society. Views such as this illustrate how Black people validate themselves, in the face of racist assaults on their culture , by setting internal community standards for evaluating worth” (Vanneman 1987: 229). An example of this is provided in Reuben May’s ethnography Talking at Trena’s: Everyday Conversations at an African American Tavern. Trena’s Tavern is a place where middle class men with good jobs gather after work to relax and converse with one another. Importantly, “to the regulars, good jobs are not necessarily professional or white collar jobs but include blue collar jobs that pay sufficient wages for workers to care for their families, save a few dollars and enjoy the good life” (2001: 32). According to May, distinction was not made between white- and bluecollar jobs within the tavern because the patrons believed that racism and discrimination had negatively affected a person’s chances of attaining the white-collar jobs. Nor was importance placed on salary. Rather, their middle class identity was based on shared values and ideals: They...

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