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469  22  The Italian Job Badoglio’s government promised Italy’s “war will go on,” but within a week of Mussolini’s ouster, it was looking for ways to end it. Three options presented themselves, none of them very attractive. First, Italy could end the alliance with Germany and go over to the Allies. Second, Italy could stay in the Axis but seek an accord with Hitler that allowed it to pursue a separate peace, in the hope the Germans might recognize the strategic benefits of a neutral Italy. Third, Italy could continue the war while pursuing secret surrender negotiations. Considering the Anglo-American policy of unconditional surrender and, more to the point, the likely German response, the Italian leadership rejected the first option. Mussolini’s arrest, in German eyes, nullified the “Pact of Steel.” Violating Italian sovereignty, the Germans moved quickly, seizing the Brenner Pass and securing vital transportation arteries, airfields, and ports. The German high command initiated the phased movement of eight divisions into northern Italy, doubling the number of German troops “defending” the country. Berlin demonstrated no interest in assuming additional occupation burdens in exchange for any nebulous advantages offered by neutralizing Italy. Instead, the Germans began to intersperse their units with Italian forces in Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, Greece (including Crete), and the Dodecanese. The regime in Rome hoped for time to consolidate its power base, but the rapid German reaction meant Italy could not delay. Any hint of an Italian betrayal would trigger an immediate German seizure of power and the installation of a new fascist regime. The Italian government fell prey to a paralysis of dread, prompted not by what the Germans might do but when. From Rome’s point of view, only the last alternative—surrender to the Allies—held any prospect of removing Italy from the war. Wanting to change sides but unprepared to accept surrender, Badoglio decided to 470  BEETLE initiate contact. On 31 July he dispatched two diplomats—one to Lisbon and the other to Tangier—to sound out the British on Allied intentions. These peace feelers came to nothing. Deliberately evasive, the Italian envoys stressed the deteriorating situation in Italy, spoke of their fear of a German putsch or a communist rising, and requested diversionary attacks against the south of France or the Balkans, allowing Badoglio time and space to strengthen his position before Italy launched any effort to eject the Germans from the peninsula. No mention was made of peace terms. Badoglio then decided to employ a military channel. He selected BG Giuseppe Castellano, chief of GEN Vittorio Ambrosio’s military office, to travel to Madrid and Lisbon. Moving under cover as a member of a diplomatic party dispatched to the Portuguese capital, Castellano arrived in Madrid on 15 August. He recruited the Italian consul, Franco Mantanari, as his interpreter, and the pair made their way to the British embassy, where Ambassador Samuel Hoare received them. Castellano introduced himself and assured Hoare that he enjoyed the full confidence of Marshal Badoglio. He took the same tack as the diplomats at first, claiming the Italian government could not take action against the Germans until the Allies invaded Italy north of Rome and in force. Then he made a startling proposal: “We are not in a position to make any terms. We will accept unconditional surrender provided we can join the Allies in fighting the Germans.” Essentially, he offered a combination of options one and three, and he made this proposal entirely on his own initiative. As further enticement, Castellano offered intelligence on German intentions and deployments in Italy. Speed was of the essence. Badoglio wanted immediate action. The Germans already had thirteen divisions in Italy, with more troops arriving each week. In essence, Italy was already an occupied country; at the first hint of duplicity, the Germans would seize control. On 6 August the Axis foreign ministers and general staffs met at Trovisto, where the Germans confirmed their intention, in the event of an Allied invasion, to fall back to a line at Genoa-Ravenna. In effect, the Axis and Supremo Commando were already dead letters. The Germans operated only in their own interests and were prepared to sacrifice southern and central Italy. Allied amphibious landings north of Rome would find an Italian government and its armed forces fully ready—if supplied and supported—to take up the sword against the Germans . In a nice twist, Castellano painted the Germans—not the Italians —as the betrayers. Without instructions from the...

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