Notes
N O T E S Introduction 1. Eleanor Ohman, “Strikers to March on Sacramento,” Sun-Reporter, March 19, 1966, 4. 2. A note on terminology: “Mexican American” is the term used to describe Americans of Mexican descent; “Mexican” is used for ethnic Mexicans who retained Mexican citizenship. The term “Latino/a” refers to all people of Latin American descent including, but not limited to, Mexicans or Mexican Americans. The term “Hispanic” is used strictly in the context of the U.S. Census because of the word’s origins in federal bureaucracy. “Chicano/a” refers to those who identified with the Chicano Movement, particularly its emphasis on racial pride and active resistance to discrimination . Although many consider the struggles of the UFW to be foundational to the Chicano Movement , Chavez considered the union separate from the movement. Chicana/o is therefore not used to describe the union or its members. 3. During the period under consideration, the NFWA changed its name twice—first to the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFWOC) and later to the United Farm Workers (UFW), as it is currently known. The UFW is therefore referred to by its proper name as time progresses in the book; Meyer and Whittier, “Social Movement Spillover,” 277. 4. At the conclusion of a collection that provides a variety of perspectives on relations between African Americans and Mexican Americans, ranging from animosity to fraternity, historian Matthew Whitaker curiously argues, “Although the Chicano movement was inspired by the black freedom struggle, these two movements never formed an alliance,” and places the blame squarely on Chicanos. Whitaker, “A New Day in Babylon,” 267. For other examples of scholarship that argue that African Americans and Mexican Americans were most often in conflict, see Behnken, Fighting Their Own Battles; Foley, Quest for Equality; Ogbar, “Brown Power to Brown People,” 258–59; Mantler, “Black, Brown and Poor: Martin Luther King, Jr., the Poor People’s Campaign and Its Legacies”; Ferreira, “All Power to the People.” 5. For more on the NAACP, see Berg, “The Ticket to Freedom”; Sullivan, Lift Every Voice; and Verney and Sartain, eds., Long Is the Way and Hard. Scholarship on the NUL is sparse and only covers the first half of its history. See Moore, Jr., A Search for Equality; T. Reed, No Alms But Opportunity ; and Weiss, The National Urban League. With the exception of the work of Thomas R. Peake, scholarship on SCLC revolves around the leadership of Martin Luther King, Jr. See Fairclough, To Redeem the Soul of America; and Garrow, Bearing the Cross; Peake, Keeping the Dream Alive. For scholarship on SNCC, see Carson, In Struggle; Hogan, Many Minds, One Heart; and Stoper, The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. Scholarship on the BPP is in a period of proliferation. See, for example, Bloom and Martin, Black Against Empire; Cleaver and Katsiaficas, eds., Liberation, Imagination, and the Black Panther Party; C. Jones, ed., The Black Panther Party; and Murch, Living for the City. 6. Kelley, Race Rebels, 4, 6–8; Pulido, Black, Brown, Yellow, and Left, 89. 7. J. Levy, Cesar Chavez, 201. For information on Mexican American labor organizing in the first half of the twentieth century, see Vargas, Labor Rights Are Civil Rights. Sociologist J. Craig Jenkins argues, “The fewer resources a group has, the more powerless it is and the more it needs an infusion of outside support.” Jenkins, “The Transformation of a Constituency into a Social Movement Revisited,” 280. 8. J. Levy, Cesar Chavez, 151; quoted in Mariscal, Brown-Eyed Children of the Sun, 162–63. 9. Much of the recent scholarship that addresses multiracial coalition building in the West focuses on California. See Bernstein, Bridges of Reform; Brilliant, The Color of America Has Changed; Kurashige, The Shifting Grounds of Race; and Pulido, Black, Brown, Yellow, and Left. Reflecting the population of the South during the 1950s and 1960s, nearly all scholarship on movements in the region focuses on race relations between blacks and whites. The notable exception is scholarship on Texas, which has a sizeable Latino population and is alternately defined as both southern and western. For recent works on activism in Texas, see Behnken, Fighting Their Own Battles; and Krochmal, “Labor, Civil Rights, and the Struggle for Democracy in Texas, 1935–1975.” Despite the racial and ethnic diversity of the Northeast, scholarship on movements in the region are frequently confined to a black/white paradigm. See, for example, Theoharis and Woodard, eds., Freedom North; of the eleven essays in this collection, only one deals with...
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