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Notes Introduction 1. Statistics from Voyages: The Transatlantic Slave Trade Database, http://www .slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces, accessed 2 August 2011. The creators of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database have created a series of estimates that employ ‘‘algorithms based on data in the main database and on patterns of the slave trade over time to fill in gaps in the historical record and construct an estimate of the total slave trade.’’ See ‘‘Voyages: The Transatlantic Slave Trade Database. Guide. Understanding and Using the Online Database and Website’’ (May 2008), 20, available at http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/database/guide/VoyagesGuide.pdf , accessed on 2 August 2011. 2. This concept of ‘‘circum-Atlantic’’ history has been advanced by a number of scholars. See, in particular, David Armitage, ‘‘Three Concepts of Atlantic History,’’ in The British Atlantic World, –, ed. David Armitage and Michael J. Braddick (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 16–29; Joseph Roach, Cities of the Dead: Circum-Atlantic Performance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996); Paul Gilroy , The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (London: Verso, 1993), 41–71. The British state came into existence with the Act of Union between England and Scotland in 1707. However, although England dominated imperial activity before the Union, the peoples of Scotland, Ireland, and Wales all participated in the creation and population of English colonies, and in the trade with the Gold Coast. Thus, for all that it is politically anachronistic, in this book I shall use the term British, as well as English, to refer to this shared social and economic participation in trade and colonization. 3. Only a small proportion of the large body of work on the Atlantic World focuses on labor, comparing and linking labor practices in different regions. See Alexander X. Byrd, Captives and Voyagers: Black Migrants Across the Eighteenth-Century British Atlantic World (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2008); Frederick C. Knight, Working the Diaspora: The Impact of African Labor on the Anglo-American World, – (New York: New York University Press, 2010); David Eltis, ‘‘Labor and Coercion in the English Atlantic World from the Seventeenth Century to the Early Twentieth Century,’’ Slavery and Abolition, 14 (1993), 207–226; John Donoghue, 260 Notes to Pages 2–8 ‘‘Unfree Labor, Imperialism, and Radical Republicanism in the Atlantic World, 1630– 1661,’’ Labor: Studies in Working Class History of the Americas, 1 (2004), 47–68. 4. Pawns were—at least in theory—temporary rather than permanent slaves. Pawns were not owned, and thus could not be sold like slaves: one owned the labor of a pawn, but not the person. British authorities on the Gold Coast held pawns as well as enslaved Africans, and were well attuned to the differences between the two. See Toyin Falola and Paul E. Lovejoy, eds., Pawnship in Africa: Debt Bondage in Historical Perspective (Boulder: Westview Press, 1994). 5. Ira Berlin has effectively critiqued historians’ tendency to treat labor forms as unchanging. See Berlin, Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1998), 4. 6. A New Map of the Island of Barbadoes, wherein every Parish, Plantation, Watermill , Windmill & Cattlemill, is described with the name of the Present Possessor, and all things els Remarkable according to a Late Exact Survey thereof (London: Philip Lea and John Sellers, 1675). For an excellent discussion of this map, see Jeanette D. Black, ‘‘Map 32: A New Map of the Island of Barbadoes,’’ The Blathwayt Atlas, Vol. 2: Commentary (Providence: Brown University Press, 1975), 180–185. This estimate of the Barbadian population in 1675 is drawn from Richard S. Dunn, ‘‘The Barbados Census of 1680: Profile of the Richest Colony in English America,’’ William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 26 (1969), 7–8. 7. Anonymous letter, Barbados, 20 March 1676, reprinted in P. Hume Brown, ed., The Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, 3rd ser. (Glasgow: James Hedderwick and Sons, 1911), IV, 671–675. 8. Anonymous letter, Barbados, 1676, 671–675. 9. Christopher Tomlins, Freedom Bound: Law, Labor, and Civic Identity in Colonizing English America, – (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 428–431, 450–451. 10. Richard O’Shea, Will, 15 April 1653, Will Record Books, Barbados Department of Archives, RB6, XI, 561. 11. Sir Dalby Thomas, An Historical Account of the Rise and Growth of the WestIndia Collonies, And of the Great Advantages they are to England, in respect to Trade (London: for John Hindmarsh, 1690), 14, 4, 5, 16, 40. For...

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