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Chapter 8 Latino Congregations in the Twenty-First Century The United States is witnessing a dramatic change in its ethnic composition .1 From an Anglo-European focus of new immigrants we are now facing an increasingly diverse population (Singer 2002; Kilty and de Haymes 2000; Cerrutti and Massey, 2001). Public discourse is shifting into the future of the United States as a Christian white society. The current debate about the immigration law is an indication of the rise in Latino/Hispanic immigration in all parts of the United States. Mostly Mexican, but also from Central and South America, these legal and illegal immigrants are the fastest growing group of newcomers to the United States and by now the largest minority group.2 The Latino population, at 35 million members, is now the largest minority group in the United States (U.S. Census 2000). Between 1990 and 2000 the white, non-Hispanic population, estimated at 196 million, grew by 0.3 percent and the black population grew by 1.5 percent, whereas the Latino population grew by 4.7 percent. This population growth is due to new births and immigration, and the rates of both continue to rise. The Latino population is young, with 35 percent under eighteen. The high birth rate and low median age indicate continued population growth. Latinos in the United States have a unique history of colonialism and immigration that puts them in different social situations from non-Latino groups. Latinos are too often compared with African Americans, as they are the two largest minority groups in America and have shared the same struggle for a better life and a bigger share of the American dream. However, Espinosa, Elizondo, and Miranda (2003: 12) suggested that ‘‘in many ways Latinos represent a kind of nepantla racial-ethnic community of in-betweeners in American society. This is not to imply that Latinos are always in-between blacks and whites.’’ While the Latino and African American communities are both characterized by low household incomes, low educational attainment, and high rates of incarceration , the two groups are significantly different in a number of ways. Latino Congregations in the Twenty-First Century 155 To begin with, Latinos in the United States have a different primary language from English. Consequently, most Latinos and their children face communication problems in the job market and education. A growing number of communities are organized in Spanish, where business, media, and daily communication occur in Spanish and there is no practical need to speak English. Most of these Latinos have a high school education; there are fewer with a college education (7.5 percent) than among non-Latinos (19.3 percent) (Fry 2002). Second, Latinos are multi-ethnic. Many people in the United States view Latinos as one group speaking the same language and sharing the same culture. However, Latinos come from many different counties and do not share common norms, cultural heritages, or educational backgrounds (Bean and Tienda 1987). In many of their counties of origin there are even distinct cultural differences among regions. According to the 2000 Census figures, the 35 million Latinos living in the United States have 22 countries of origin. Most Latinos do not see themselves as Latinos but as, say, Puerto Rican, Salvadoran, or Mexican, and the cultural boundaries can be strong. For example, to many families , a marriage between a Cuban and a Dominican is considered crossethnic and is frowned upon by both sides. In summary, a distinctive feature of the Latino community is its lack of homogeneity compared to African American and white non-Hispanic communities. The many subgroups may not necessarily get along or have much in common. As noted, Latinos often have a country of origin to which they remain connected and to which many of them, if needed, can go back. This creates an issue of dual alliance and dual affiliation. Castex (1994) reports that many Hispanics in the New York City area, especially Dominicans , refuse to become U.S. citizens in alliance with their home country and as a sign of distrust of American foreign policies. This is not to say that Latinos do not wish to be in the country legally or become citizens . But the sentiment highlights the loyalty of some Latinos to their country of origin and the fact that the United States may be in collision with their home country’s interests. The dual alliance of Latinos in the United States gets translated into economic terms. Many Latinos are...

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