INTRODUCTION 1. The primary archives include: Duke University, the American Antiquarian Society , the Massachusetts Historical Society, the Boston Public Library, the Library Company of Philadelphia, Harvard’s Houghton, Schlessinger, and Weidner Libraries, the Schumburg Collection, and the University of Madison Wisconsin’s Cairns Collection. 2. Donnarae MacCann also claims that juvenile works for children between 1830 and 1865 were “scarce” and that “[i]t was a minuscule number [of abolitionists] who entered the children’s book field, and those who did rarely wrote an abolitionist narrative or textbook that was not to some degree ambivalent in its attitude towards Blacks” (“White Supremacy” 26; 126). 3. MacCann briefly discusses Child’s “Jumbo and Zairee” (51–53), “The Little White Lamb and the Little Black Lamb” (54), and “Lariboo” (54–55); Julia Coleman and Matilda Thompson’s works in The Child’s Anti-Slavery Book (56–60); and Follen’s May Morning and New Year’s Eve (61–62). 4. See also Ann T. Ackerman’s dissertation “Victorian Ideology and British Children ’s Literature, 1850–1914” (1984), which discusses examples of slavery with regards to abolition and imperialism (289–305). 5. See also Anne Scott MacLeod, “Children’s Literature and American Culture: 1820–1860” (1978); “Nineteenth-Century Families in Juvenile Fiction” (1988); and American Childhood: Essays on Children’s Literature of the Nineteenth andTwentieth Centuries (1994). 6. The twelve women in Kelly’s study are: Maria Cummins, Gilman, Caroline Lee Hentz, Maria Jane Holmes, Maria McIntosh, Sarah Parton, Catherine Maria Sedgwick, E. D. E. N. Southworth, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Mary Virginia Terhune, Susan Warner, and Augusta Evans Wilson (viii). 7. For information on Elizabeth Margaret Chandler, see: Bowerman, “Elizabeth Margaret Chandler,” in Dictionary of American Biography; Allibone’s Critical Dictionary of 149 Notes English Literature. British and American Authors Living and Deceased from the Earliest Accounts of the Latter Half of the Nineteenth Century; Dillon’s two articles, “Elizabeth Margaret Chandler and the Spread of Antislavery Sentiment to Michigan” and “Elizabeth Margaret Chandler,” in Notable American Women, 1607–1950: A Biographical Dictionary; Hersh’s The Slavery of Sex: Feminist Abolitionist in America (74); Kunitz and Haycraft, American Authors, 1600–1900: A Biographical Dictionary of American Literature; and Lutz, Crusade for Freedom: Women of the Antislavery Movement (8–10). 8. For information on Eliza Lee Cabot Follen, see MacLeod, A Moral Tale (111–13); Schlesinger, “Two Early Harvard Wives: Eliza Farrar and Eliza Follen” (June 1965); Moe, “Eliza Cabot Lee Follen” (1980), and MacCann, “The White Supremacy Myth in Juvenile Books about Blacks, 1830–1900” (141–45). 9. Women’s conservative or liberal stance regarding women’s sphere helped determine the activities in which they participated. The most radical and liberal women defied tradition and became public speakers/lecturers to both single-sex and mixed audiences. Other liberal forms of public involvement included activities such as fund raising, publishing texts, lobbying, and petition-signing drives (Bogin and Yellin 2;12). Since petitioning was a constitutional right (Bogin and Yellin 13) when women did not have the right to vote, Boston and Philadelphia women “[u]sing the only tool available to them for reaching the representatives of the people, . . . helped force abolition onto the nation’s political agenda” (Bogin and Yellin 13; see also Soderlund 77). Van Broekhoven suggests that women began petitioning in 1835 but that “mass petitioning campaigns by American women were still new in 1837” (180; 181). These petitions emphasized that women were making familial, moral, and apolitical requests. Yet, “[d]espite the religious and deferential language, women’s organizing and petitioning against slavery quickly became controversial ” because women were moving outside their appropriate sphere (Van Broekhoven 184; 185–88). However, the increasing political pressure in the 1840s for legal legislation to end slavery reduced female petitioning because then it was seen as women overtly acting according to political rather than moral tactics (Van Broekhoven 190–91; 196–98). 10. Women encountered mob violence at the 1838 convention and were burned out of Pennsylvania Hall (Yellin, Abolitionist 16). 11. Bogin and Yellin (8); See also Lapsansky (222–30). 12. Catherine Beecher “condemned the sisters for overstepping the boundaries of the female sphere and for attempting to usurp the authority of the clergy” (Williams, “Female” 173). 13.The Massachusetts Association of Congregational Ministers issued a pastoral letter denouncing the Grimkés’ behavior as “a scandalous offense against propriety and decency” (Hansen, “Boston” 53). 14. See Bogin and Yellin (9–10) and Swerdlow (41). 15. Although Bogin and Yellin argue that abolitionist women...