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323 Notes to the Text Chapter 1: The Best of All Possible Islands and the Miraculous Year 1. The figures are derived from the Memoria general de la Exposición Universal Sevilla 1992 (SEGA 1993:277–98). Readers should be aware that the figures cited in this official source for the number of visits and number of visitors have been contested . The source claims that there were 41,814,571 visits to the Expo (1993:281). Because the vast majority of people, including foreign tourists, visited the site more than once and because Sevillanos with season passes visited many times, the exact number of visitors is unknown, and estimates vary widely between about 9 million and 18 million visitors. See also ABC-ex 13 Oct 1992:14–15. 2. Although Expo ’92 had fewer visitors than some earlier events (such as the 1970 exhibition at Osaka), it had more official participants than any previous universal exposition. For a comparative overview of Expo ’92 and its antecedents, see the Expo ’92 Official Guide (SEEUS 1992b:16–19). Chapter 2: Possible Expos: Academic Meanderings from Tradition to Modernity and Beyond 1. For more on the relationship of tradition to modernity in Aracena, see Maddox 1993, 1994, 1995, and 1997. 2. For overviews of the history of Seville, see de Mena 1988; Domínguez Ortiz 1976–1984; and Montoto 1980. For anthropological perspectives on Andalusian culture, Flamenco, bullfighting, and related topics, see Brandes 1980; Douglass 1997; Fernandez 1983; Gilmore 1987; Mitchell 1990; Moreno Navarro 1982; and Rodríguez Becerra 1985. 3. For a groundbreaking anthropological study of Seville, see Press 1979. 4. For a range of approaches to urban studies in the Mediterranean, see Faubion 1993; Kenny and Kertzer 1983; Leontidou 1990; and McDonogh 1986. 5. There is a large and steadily growing literature on world’s fairs. For overviews of the history and multiple forms of international exhibitions, see Allwood 1977; Findling and Pelle 1990; and Greenhalgh 1988. For a sample of recent work on world’s fairs, see Peer 1998; Pred 1995; and Tenorio-Trillo 1996. 6. Similar points have been made by Harvey (1996) and Ley and Olds (1988). 7. For a sample of recent work that deals with the politics of identity in contemporary Europe, see Goddard, Llobera, and Shore 1994; Jenkins and Sofos 1996; Keith and Pile 1993; and MacDonald 1993. 8. Rather than being guided primarily by general notions of the postmodern, my own approach to understanding the Expo is influenced by the Gramscian strains in cultural studies and anthropology, which stress the political character and dynamics of cultural phenomena in shaping particular aspects of complex ways of life (see, for example , Gramsci 1971; Hall 1980, 1988; and Williams 1977). Thus, in my account of the Expo, I pay primary attention to the specifically local and directly political Andalusian and Spanish context and significance of the event. For comparative purposes, readers should consult Harvey’s Hybrids of Modernity (1996:46ff.); this work on the Expo instead stresses the event as an expression of more “ubiquitous institutions and practices” that provide an opportunity for “auto-anthropology.” For a discussion of how the Expo fits into the other quincentennial events of 1992, see Williams and Summerhill 2000. Chapter 3: A Pocket History of the Liberalization of Modern Spain, with Observations about Its Relevance for an Understanding of Expo ’92 1. For a comprehensive historical account of nineteenth- and twentieth-century Spain, see Carr 1982. 2. Indeed, the effective equation of liberalism with “Europe” is so pervasive in contemporary Spain that its influence on virtually every aspect of life and thought in the country can hardly be overestimated. The following are just three examples of many that suggest the increasing hegemonic authority but also the vagueness of this equation: In 1975, during his first major speech after the death of Franco, King Juan Carlos broached the dangerous topic of liberal political reforms by mildly suggesting that these reforms would be necessary for Spain “to join Europe.” In the mid-1980s, sociologist Victor Pérez Díaz assessed the vitality and prospects of Spanish democracy by invoking European liberalism as a model to be more fully emulated, and he described this model as a set of institutions and principles that include the rule of law, open markets, pluralism, a public sphere, a democratic polity, and a modern bureaucracy based on rational accountability . Pérez Díaz subsequently published these ideas in his highly influential work The Return of Civil Society (1993...

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