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CHAPTER 8. Social Movements as Nonlinearity: On Innocence Projects and Intentional Communities
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115 CHAPTER 8 Social Movements as Nonlinearity: On Innocence Projects and Intentional Communities INTRODUCTION In this chapter, we apply affirmative and integrative postmodern inquiry to the study of social movements. In particular, we examine the phenomena of innocence projects and intentional communities. We note that our analysis here is speculative and provisional. Our intent is merely to document how other facets of social life, impacted by criminological and legal thought, could benefit from a critical examination informed by French postmodern theory. We begin by outlining the literature on new social movement theory (NSM),1 emphasizing the general conceptual orientation of this model.2 We then briefly describe a fourth approach to social movements as developed by Schehr (1997, 1999). Delineating this material is significant in that it “builds primarily upon the insights of the NSM literature but . . . endeavors to move beyond what is conceptualized . . . as a still limited articulation of movement potential” (1997, 158). More specifically, we utilize several insights found in chaos theory or nonlinear dynamical systems theory as a way of identifying forms of resistance, cultural capital, and identity construction not otherwise accessible through traditional discourse that theorizes social movements (Laclau and Mouffe 1985). From our perspective, articulating “the cultural milieu of oppressed peoples” (Schehr 1997, 158) and describing the imaginary ﱠ domain of sense-making for indigenous groups (Cornell 1998b), necessitates a language absent an appeal to the conventional. We then present two recent manifestations of the fourth approach in social movement literature: innocence projects as a response to wrongful convictions3 and intentional communities designed to house the homeless. In addition, where useful and appropriate, we apply the insights of first and second wave French postmodern social theory to our understanding of these phenomena. NEW SOCIAL MOVEMENT THEORY In this section, we draw on the work of D. McAdam, J. McCarthy, and M. Zald (1996) to emphasize three aspects of social movements that appear salient to our analysis: (1) political opportunity structures, (2) mobilizing structures, and (3) framing processes. In addition, we include the work of M. Diani (1992). His insights suggest the aggregation of key movement characteristics in the following way: (1) networks of informal interaction, (2) shared beliefs and solidarity, (3) collective action on conflictual issues, and (4) action that primarily occurs outside the institutional sphere and the routine procedures of social life. Political Opportunity Structures, Mobilizing Structures, Framing Processes McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald (1996) describe political opportunity structures as temporally bounded historical moments that provide opportunities and constraints within the political environment for making claims to power.4 Shifting political alliances produce greater instability, thereby enhancing opportunities for social change. The extent to which these opportunities are acknowledged and taken advantage of influences the degree of success for claims-makers. Examples of political opportunity structures include the division among Southern Dixicrats and Northern Liberals in the United States Congress during the 1950s and 1960s. Given this political division, leaders of the Civil Rights movement had the opportunity they needed to leverage changes in discriminatory laws. To be effective, movement actors must construct mobilizing structures capable of articulating a theme or set of themes to the broader public. At least initially, this is typically accomplished through frequent and intense interactions among a set of homogenous movement actors (McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996, 19). Mobilizing structures can be formal and informal, and include the use of networks that allow people to mobilize around a set of movement activities. Political opportunities and mobilizing structures must rely on careful framing processes to carry a social movement’s message beyond its base of 116 The French Connection in Criminology [18.213.110.162] Project MUSE (2024-03-29 02:34 GMT) support. Here, McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald (1996) rely heavily on the work of D. Snow and R. Benford (1988). Perhaps most interesting in Snow et al.’s (1986) work, as it relates to the constitution of a social movement, is his insistence that it is essentially a cultural construct. In other words, social movements succeed or fail based on their ability to effectively position system attributes in disaffecting ways. Snow et al. (1986) suggest the framing process amounts to, “Conscious strategic efforts by a group of people to fashion shared understandings of the world and of themselves that legitimate and motivate collective action” (cited in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996, 6). Framing serves to mediate between political opportunity structures and mobilizing structures through the process of signification and nomination. In other words, agents working within social movements actively construct...