-
Notes
- University of Michigan Press
- Chapter
- Additional Information
Notes Chapter 1. 1. In fact, the Seattle Police Department was awarded additional Weed and Seed funding for a second and then a third year. In addition to this money, by virtue of being a Weed and Seed site, Seattle was able to secure other grant funds, bringing the total Weed and Seed associated funding for Seattle in a three-year period to more than $4 million. 2. ACLU to Mayor Rice, 1992. More than four-fifths of the attendees were nonwhite, and most of these were African American. 3. The ballot initiative to return to a district council did not pass, and the recall drive did not get on the ballot. In response to citizen pressure for a district council, however, the city council itself has elected to make each member responsible for one or two neighborhood districts. There are 12 districts and nine council members. 4. Seattle Times, April 14, 1992 ("Weed and Seed: A Problem or a Solution," by Don Williamson). 5. A story from the New York Times reprinted in the Providence Journal-Bulletin , August 22, 1997 ("Critics: Brutality is Flip Side of New NY Police Policy"). 6. Washington Post, weekly edition, July 21-28, 1990. 7. A story from the Washington Post reprinted in the Providence Journal-Bulletin , August 19, 1997 ("New York Police-Brutality Case Prompts Federal CivilRights Probe"). 8. Foucault 1977: 80-87, contrasts the illegalities of property with the illegalities of rights; see also Reiman (1990), who contrasts the capacity of the system at every stage to favor mercy toward the already powerful and punishment for the power poor, and Kelling and Coles 1996. While the veracity of claims attributing this statement to the officer have subsequently been put in doubt, this does not change the fact that city and police leaders insisted there was no connection between community policing and police brutality. Even given the extent to which these leaders punished the officers involved, this remains a failure to construct a public discourse that connects police administration to police conduct or citizen fear of crime to fears of official misconduct. 9. See Tonry 1995 on foreseeable consequences as these reflect a similar failure of political leadership in the war on drugs. 10. Seattle Police Department 1994 Annual Report. 1994. 11. National Institute of Justice 1992. 197 NOTES TO PAGES 5-13 12. Scott 1990. 13. Many thanks to the University of Michigan Press reviewer for our conversation regarding this point. 14. Ewick and Silbey 199Y 200-201. 15. Greenhouse, Yngvesson, and Engel (1994: 2) define discourse as "an interrelated set of cultural meanings-symbols, values, and conventionalized interpretations -that shape and make comprehensible the terms people use to converse in everyday life." My use of stories is close to the way these authors use the conversations between court officials and citizens; like these conversations, the stories I document here map out the mobilizations of conventionalized interpretations as well as countermobilizations contesting them. For this reason, I distinguish between competing stories about community and policing and examine how this discursive struggle contributes to the constitution of those interrelated sets of cultural meanings with political utility that we call discourses. 16. Lyons and McPherson 1998. 17. Wilson and Kelling 1982; Trojanowicz and Bucqueroux 1990; Kelling and Moore 1988; Reiders and Roberg 1990; Bayley 1988; Sherman 1997; Eck and Rosenbaum 1994; Bayley and Shearing 1996; Kelling and Coles 1996. 18. Cohen 1985. 19. In the 1997 Seattle Leadership Sessions, one officer candidly noted that "our windows were broken internally," arguing that before the problem solving era the department structure encouraged and rewarded unethical police behavior. Lyons and McPherson 1998. 20. Cohen 1985: 84-85. 21. Cohen 198y 78. 22. Foucault 1977; Cohen 1985: 66. See also Handler 1990 on participatory exceptions. 23. Skogan 1988 contrasts preservationist and insurgent forms of community -based crime prevention organizations. 24. Kelling and Coles (1996: 3, 109,222) discuss the politics of order maintenance as a discursive struggle to construct more persuasive stories when they disparage advocates for the homeless and recommend a strategy of renaming these individuals as disorderly. Kelling and Coles describe this discursive struggle in democratic terms when they note that "police and citizens negotiated a 'disorder threshold' for the neighborhood. They did not merely prohibit specific acts . . . but often defined the conditions and manner under which activities could be carried out" (17-18). 25. Skogan (1990) distinguished physical and social forms of disorder, though his focus was on disorders linked to the activities of the...