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143 Notes Intro duc tion 1. Abra ham Lin coln, “Ad dress at Get tys burg, Penn syl va nia,” in Se lected Speeches and Writ ings: Abra ham Lin coln, intro duc tion by Gore Vidal (New York: Vin tage, 1992), 405. 2. Abra ham Lin coln, “An nual Mes sage to Con gress,” in Se lected Speeches, 364. 3. Woo drow Wil son, “For Dec lar a tion of War against Ger many: Ad dress De livered at a Joint Ses sion of the Two Houses of Con gress,” in The Pub lic Papers of Woo drow Wil son: War and Peace, vol. 1, ed. Ray Stan nard Baker and William Ed ward Dodd (New York: Harper and Broth ers, 1927), 14. 4. Liah Green feld, Na tion al ism: Five Roads to Mod er nity (Cam bridge, MA: Har vard Uni ver sity Press, 1992), 3. 5. I am most in debted here to Clif ford Geertz, “Ideol ogy as a Cul tural System,” in The Inter pre ta tion of Cul tures: Se lected Es says (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 193–233. 6. Greenfeld’s il lu mi nat ing com par a tive study high lights this dis tinct fea ture of the American ex pe ri ence. She ob serves that “in Amer ica, at the out set, ideol ogy, the firm con vic tion that the American so ci ety (every ob jec tive at trib ute of which—ter ri tory, re sources, in sti tu tions, and char ac ter—was as yet un cer tain) was a na tion, was the only thing that was cer tain” (Na tion al ism, 402; em pha sis orig i nal). For a help ful over view see pp. 15–25; for a de tailed dis cus sion see pp. 399–484. 7. I am using Chris tian na tion al ism to de fine phe nom ena often de scribed by the term “civil re li gion.” Rob ert Bel lah first drew the term from Rous seau and ap plied it to what he argued was a dis tinct system of be lief and prac tice cen tered on the po lit i cal state, pos sess ing its own theol ogy, moral code, holy days, holy fig ures, and rit ual prac tices. For Bellah’s orig i nal essay, along with sev eral oth ers that cap ture the es sence of the early dis cus sion of civil re li gion, see Rus sell Ri chey and Don ald Jones, eds., American Civil Re li gion (New York: Harper and Row, 1974). De spite some over lap in sub ject mat ter, I have cho sen to use Chris tian na tion al ism rather than civil re li gion for two rea sons. First, my pri mary inter est is how American Chris tians have adopted the na tion as an ob ject of re li gious sig nifi cance within the Chris tian world view. I am inter ested in na tion al ism as a fea ture of American Chris ti an ity. But civil re li gion more typ i cally re fers to the re li gious 144 E Notes to pages 4–6 di men sion of the po lit i cal sphere or to the use of re li gion by the powers-that-be for po lit i cal pur poses. Ro nald Beiner’s 2011 study de fines civil re li gion as “the ap pro pri a tion of re li gion by pol i tics for its own pur poses” (Civil Re li gion: A Di alogue in the His tory of Po lit i cal Phi lo so phy [Cam bridge: Cam bridge Uni ver sity Press, 2011], 1). Sec ond, in my judg ment the pri mary con cerns driv ing con tem po rary usage of civil re li gion are theo ret i cal and nor ma tive, rather than the nar rowly de scrip tive goals of my study. His to rians have used the term for de scrip tive stud ies sim i lar to my own (see, for ex am ple, Harry Stout, Upon the Altar of the Na tion: A Moral His tory of the Civil War [New York: Vi king, 2006], xx–xxii). But the term seems best suited for dis cus sions among po lit...