Couched in Death: Klinai and Identity in Anatolia and Beyond

Notes

349 9. Roosevelt 2009, 148–50; Ratté 2012, 41. 10. Hanfmann and Mierse 1983, 58–59; Roosevelt 2009, 139–40, 150. 11. Roosevelt 2003, 125, 380; 2009, 176. 12. Choisy 1876. For Spiegelthal’s work, see von Olfers 1858; Ratté 2011, 69. For Dennis’s work, never published, see Choisy 1876, 73; Butler 1922, 7–10. 13. Butler 1922, 11, 158–67; Greenewalt 1972, 115n5; McLauchlin 1985, 57; Dusinberre 2003, 131. 14. Hanfmann and Detweiler 1960, 22–23; Greenewalt, Ratté, Sullivan, and Howe 1983, 81–84; Hanfmann and Mierse 1983, 53–58; Greenewalt, Cahill, and Rautman 1987, 36–44; Ratté 1992, 139; Greenewalt, Ratté, and Rautman 1993, 31–35; 1994, 31–32; Roosevelt 2008. 15. E.g., Akbıyıkoğlu 1991; Dedeoğlu 1991; 1992; Akbıyıkoğlu 1993; Dinç and Önder 1993; Bilgin, Dinç, and Önder 1996; Dedeoğlu 1996. 16. Von Bothmer 1981; 1984; Özgen et al. 1996; Rose and Acar 1996; Roosevelt 2009, 176; Özgen 2010. 17. Roosevelt 2003, 120–200, 365–622; 2009, 140–51. 18. Roosevelt and Luke 2006; Roosevelt 2007; Roosevelt and Luke 2008; 2010a. 19. See under “Evidence for Wooden Couches in Anatolian Tombs” in Chapter 2. 20. For recent disturbances, see especially Hemelrijk and Berndt 1999. The lack of intact burials led Barnett (1953, 80– 82) to question whether the rock-cut chambers in Phrygia ever served as tombs. He suggested that their proximity to water sources makes them more likely to have been “cult chambers,” but comparisons with rock-cut chambers in other cultural areas in which burials have been found in situ supports their identification as tombs; see e.g. Karageorghis 1970. Haspels, furthermore, refutes Barnett’s argument about water sources Introduction 1. Houby-Nielsen 1995. 2. See Appendix A, Cat. 25 (Lale Tepe); Baughan 2008a. The tomb paintings were later destroyed by further vandalism; see Roosevelt 2008, 15. 3. Dusinberre 2003, 130–54. See also Kurtz and Boardman 1971, 284. 4. Koortbojian 2005, 303. 5.ThedateofthePersianconquestofLydiawaslonganchored by the reading of LU- at the beginning of the toponym for the land conquered by Cyrus in his seventh year of rule (547/6) in the Nabonidus Chronicle (II 16). But that reading has recently been revised to U-, and the land Cyrus conquered in that year, accordingly, is now thought by many to be Urartu: see Rollinger 2008; Stronach 2008. Though the new reading is not without its own difficulties, on which see Stronach 2008, 152–53, the Persian destruction of Sardis can now be dated only generally to the reign of Cyrus before his capture of Babylon, ca. 550–539 (Cahill 2010, 344), or, on the assumption that Cyrus’s campaign against Lydia would have followed shortly upon his conquest of Armenia and well enough in advance of Cyrus’s death to allow the planning and execution of much of the building program at Pasargadae, to ca. 545: Stronach 2008, 153, 167–68. 6. Although some scholars have criticized modern constructions of “Anatolian civilizations” (e.g., Gür 2010), the rationale of the focus here is primarily geographic, and evidence for intra-Anatolian cultural exchange and hybridization discussed in Chapters 3 and 4 suggests that a concept of “Anatolian-ness” may have existed even in antiquity. 7. Roosevelt 2006b; 2009, 148; Ratté 2009, 42. 8. Hdt. 1.93; Str. 13.4.7; Hanfmann and Mierse 1983, 56–58; Roosevelt 2003, 190; 2009, 142–48; Rose, Tekkök, Körpe, et al. 2007, 72. Notes 350 Notes to Introduction period), see Kasper 1967, 13; 1976–77. Part of the krepis wall was apparently finished in the Hellenistic era: see Kasper 1967, 15–16. 34. Sevinç 1996; Sevinç, Rose, Strahan, and Tekkök-Biçken 1998; Sevinç, Rose, and Strahan 1999; Sevinç, Körpe, et al., 2001; Rose, Tekkök, Körpe, et al. 2007, 72–76. 35. İren 2012; Cat. 58–59. See also “Afterword,” p. 281. 36. Akat 1975; Kütük 1995; Kökten Ersoy 1998. For a fifth-century inscription from Uyuçik in Mysia with both Phrygian and Lydian linguistic elements, see Cox and Cameron 1932; Woudhuizen 1993. 37. Richter 1926; 1966. 38. Ransom 1905. 39. Laser 1968; Ahlberg 1971. 40. Kyrieleis 1969. 41. Kyrieleis explains (1969, 2) that no Lydian material was included because few examples had been published with photographs. 42. Heuzey 1873; Heuzey and Daumet 1876. 43. E.g., his reference to the “Lydian tombs of Caere”: Heuzey 1873, 312. 44. Heuzey 1873, 507. For Spiegelthal’s excavations, see von Olfers 1858...