Protestantism and Politics in Korea

5. Protestant Christians and the Late Nationalist Movement, 1919–1945

5 / Protestant Christians and the Late Nationalist Movement, 1919–1945 I n the wake of the abortive uprising of 1919, a general tenor of disillusionment , frustration, and despondency set in. In his magazine P’yeho [Ruins], poet O Sangsun gave an apt account of the prevailing mood of the post–March First Movement era: Our land of Korea is in ruins. These are times of sorrow and agony. Saying this will wrench the heart of our youth. But I must, for it is a fact that I can neither deny nor even doubt. In ruins lie all our defects and shortcomings , inside and outside, physical as well as mental: emptiness, grievances , discontent and resentment, sighs and worries, pain and tears—all these evils will lead to extinction and death. As we stand before the ruins, darkness and death open their fearsome, cavernous mouths, threatening to gobble us up. Again, we are struck by the feeling that the old ruins spell extinction and death.1 The cherished hopes of throwing off alien rule were dashed. Not surprisingly , there were no serious nationalist activities immediately after the March First Movement. As novelist Yi Kwangsu remarked, “Gone is the fervor that once spurred them on; people are beginning to think only of themselves ” and their families.2 Nevertheless, there were sporadic efforts among Koreans to revive their shattered hopes and resume the march toward nationhood even in this period of despair. The Korean aspiration to throw off foreign rule was actually expressed in the language of defeat, frustration, extinction, and death. In fact, an editorial associate of P’yeho declared, “A new age is on us.” He asked the people not to grieve over “the setting sun” or give way to “sorrow by the grave,” but to look to the horizon of “a new age.” He urged the people to “watch a new plant grow out of the ruins and come to bloom 139 so that we can enjoy in full its lasting fragrance.” Instead of standing by the grave, looking wistfully to a past that was gone forever, and indulging in endless reminiscences, Koreans should devote themselves to creating this “new age.” According to the editorial, Koreans needed to sow a seed even in the land of ruins rather than give up their hope to throw off the colonial yoke, no matter how remote national independence seemed to be.3 Born in despair, Korean patriotic activity after 1919 was different from that of the previous period. Before the abortive uprising, patriotism was somewhat naive and emotional, and it was based on existing religious communities , most particularly on Christianity and Ch’ondogyo, and loosely united for the goal of independence under a coalition of religious leaders. Now, having learned from the failure of the March First Movement, Korean nationalists realized that a successful struggle for independence demanded a viable political leadership and central coordination, not a naive, nonviolent religious leadership and loose organization. Thus, in April 1919 they formed the Provisional Government in Shanghai, China, an umbrella organization that attempted to create a well-directed and coordinated strategy at home and abroad to revive efforts for independence. Korean nationalists not only had to adjust their activity to the altered situation brought about by the general mood of defeatism, but also to the new colonial policy. The Japanese colonial government, realizing that a strong-arm policy caused alienation among its colonized subjects, now showed a more conciliatory attitude to soothe wounded Korean feelings and improve its cruel image abroad. The colonial government thus granted to Koreans limited freedom of the press, assembly, and association.4 In this new atmosphere, Korean nationalists, who sought a more effective leadership , strategy, and ideology for regaining independence, formed thousands of social and political organizations, using the new guidelines of the socalled cultural policy (bunka seiji).5 Thus a variety of small nationalist groups appeared with different views and strategies. Their politics ran the gamut from left to right. Additionally, using the new guidelines, various small nationalist groups published their own journals and initiated a variety of activities. These organizations and publications were reviving the temporarily lost Korean desire to be free from Japanese colonial rule. A new era seemed to be coming after the March First Movement, and some historians call the period “the dawn of the nationalist movement”6 or the period of “the nationalist renaissance.”7 Nevertheless, no single individual or organization, including the Provisional Government in Shanghai, provided viable leadership and coordi140 Chapter 5 nation...