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Prospects for Development of an Independent Media in Kazakhstan Oleg Katsiev The history of independent media development in Kazakhstan reveals many ofthe obstacles to the emergence ofcivil society in Central Asia. In the circumstances of transition from the Soviet system, where individuals ' constitutional rights and freedoms are only gradually being established and there is still insufficient check on abuse ofauthority, the media can playa critical role. Unfortunately, the government has responded to the initial development ofindependent private media by increasing its control over information and limiting the expression of opposition views and criticism ofgovernment officials and policies. This essay reviews the history ofmedia development in Kazakhstan since its independence and focuses in particular on the tender process that was initiated for the licensing ofbroadcasting rights. The significance ofthe government's tender process has been largely ignored by those in the West who wish to see democratic development in Kazakhstan and similarly insufficiently appreciated by Kazakh citizens. This essay argues that the tender process has provided the government with a powerful tool to enforce its control over the broadcast media. The implications ofthis for Kazakhstan and more generally for Central Asia are very serious. When the Soviet Union collapsed, each ofthe newly independent countries inherited an information structure that had both advantages and drawbacks. In summary, the features ofthis structure were as follows: centralization of information sources, fmanced by the state budget and controlled by the Communist Party and then by state institutions; traditional style of Soviet propaganda and agitation reflecting the priorities of Communist ideology; technological backwardness in equipment and the means of information distribution; limited resources for self-fmancing, in the absence of a developed advertising market and due to inexperience in earning money independently ofthe state budget; lack of a legal framework regulating the information industries. Ofprimary importance has been the continuation ofgovernment support for state-run radio and television, where the state's interests rather than citizens' preferences held sway. The state owns all the expensive technical equipmentbroadcasting centers, relay lines, satellite facilities, and the like. Since very few 122 Development ofan Independent Media in Kazakhstan 123 private enterprises could afford their own transmission facilities, to operate they would have to lease equipment from the government. Given budgetary constraints in a period of economic transition, though, government control and financing have not meant adequate funding for equipment upgrades or the purchasing or development ofnew programs. For private radio and television to have the fmancial means to innovate and maintain its independence is increasingly the exception. Another feature ofthe broadcasting scene in Central Asia since independence has been the continued access to television originating in Russia. This has both positive and negative effects. On the positive side, Russian television is at a higher technical and creative level than that originating in Central Asia. For local stations to compete for audience, they must either make shows better than the Russian ones-a difficult task for want of fmances and qualified professionals --or develop completely different material based on local material and traditions. Since Kazakhstan has such a high percentage ofethnically Russian and Russian-speaking population compared with other Central Asian countries, the "Russian legacy" has been partly responsible for the more rapid development ofthe electronic media there than in the other Central Asian countries. Unfortunately, the response to the challenge ofRussian broadcasting has more typically been to take advantage ofits relative popularity and accessibility and make little effort to develop alternative programming. To the degree that other programming is offered by local stations it may involve largely the broadcast of pirated copies of foreign movies. Thus any "creative" effort is confmed to local advertising spots. While, as we shall see, the local authorities wish to take advantage ofthe Russian broadcasting for their own fmancial gain, at the same time increasingly the government and relatively broad segments ofsociety have reacted negatively to the content ofthe Russian programming. Russian stations are not bound by the same political constraints (at least insofar as Central Asian politics are concerned ) as the local Central Asian stations. Thus political commentary on the Russian channels may be unacceptable. Entertainment on those stations often caters to the worst ofpopular taste for violence and erotica; a broad spectrum of society-government officials, Muslim clergy, writers and public figures, and especially the older generation in the population at large-react very negatively to this. One response to these problems ofthe Russian broadcasts is to limit their distribution through state-controlled television. At the same time, given the significant proportion...

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