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In a recent article on the origins of early Texas Republican leadership James Alex Baggett correctly contends that in the Lone Star state a few Negroes held local offices of responsibility in predominantly black counties during and following Reconstruction. At the state level nine Negroes served in the 90-man constitutional convention of 1868–1869, eleven were legislators in the 120-man legislature of 1871, and thereafter the number of Negro legislators diminished. Unlike the experience of other Southern states during this era, “not a single Negro occupied an important executive or judicial post in Texas.”1 With the exception of the Populist movement in the 1890s, black participation in the political process reached its heights during the years following the Civil War. Though not elected to the upper echelons of state government, black politicians were active in their local communities, attempting to insulate their constituents against the onslaughts of racism and violence and organizing them in the direction of self-determination. In the two years before the elections for the 1868 constitutional convention , when black males were first allowed to vote, Texas freedpeople were outside the mainstream of politics. In many respects, these thirty-one months were of critical importance to Texas’s black communities. The disruption brought by the war and the tremendous influx of Negroes taken into the Lone Star state for safekeeping had, at least according to some accounts, more than doubled the black population residing in the state.2 In addition, blacks’ search for better economic opportunities and their attempts to stabilize black family life strengthened the cohesiveness of black communities. Without these efforts, the residents of black enclaves around Eleven SELF-DETERMINATION AND LOCAL BLACK LEADERS IN TEXAS 228 Freedmen’s Bureau Agents and African American Politicians the state would never have been in a position to assert any of their newly won rights. Realizing this, many local black leaders attempted to work with local black citizens, white politicians, and the Freedmen’s Bureau to ensure that upon entering the political arena, they would be able to exert as much pressure as possible within the confines of white Texas society and the law.3 There were, however, other barriers to the unity and cultural autonomy of Texas blacks. Of particular note are the geography and the utter vastness of the eastern portion of the state, where most blacks were concentrated. These factors hampered, and at times made impossible, communication between rural and urban areas, affecting not only elections and politics, but also the course followed by community leaders and their adherents. Even when the Freedmen’s Bureau and the army were part of the Reconstruction entanglement, they were scattered so widely and thinly that they were often of little help in rural blacks’ pursuit of freedom. This meant that blacks in outlying areas either had to conform to the system imposed upon them or attempt to combat it with the limited resources at hand. In short, this dictated a policy whereby each leader along with his followers had to make immediate and far-reaching decisions based solely upon their own needs, interests, and safety. During the Reconstruction years in Texas, 1865–1873, when blacks began to organize and assert their independence (and this same pattern was to emerge in the 1890s), the social sanctions surrounding a frontier society were largely nonexistent. In the extreme rural areas, black leaders, their white sympathizers, and the black community itself more often than not faced the constant threat of death or disruption by violence, especially when state or national elections drew near. This state of affairs was also recognized by many black urban dwellers, who previously had suffered through some of the same vicissitudes. In Texas, the political base of an emerging black politician was of prime importance, but whether rural or urban, he still had to demonstrate to those he was serving, through policy and deeds, that he was alert to their needs, interests, and future situation. Several black leaders in Texas exhibited these very qualities, and at least one was in the forefront during and after the Civil War. Because of his background and previous experience, it was natural that he would establish his roots in an urban setting. Undoubtedly the most prominent black politician and community organizer was George T. Ruby of Galveston. Ruby was not a native Texan, but because of his previous experience he was well aware of the aspirations of the Lone Star State’s black populace. He was...

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