Account of the Fables and Rites of the Incas

Notes

93 Notes Preface 1. The margin notes found on Molina’s document are very similar to some recorded on Joan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamaygua’s Relación de antig üedades deste reyno del Pirú (ca. 1613), which is contained in the same volume (see Duviols and Itier 1993), and may reflect the same hand. 2. These inconsistencies most certainly reflect the insecurity of the copyist and not the linguistic skills of Molina (Porras Barrenechea 1986). 3. We have also standardized the spelling of ayllo, cacique, chacra, Citua, huaca, inti, mitimas, mullu, Onqoy, quipu, raymi, sanco, and taqui. Introduction 1. Very few Quechua prayers were recorded in the early Colonial Period. Consequently, the prayers offered by Molina have been the subject of intensive study by various scholars, including Castro (1921); Rojas (1937); Farfán Ayerbe and Benigno (1945); Rowe (1953, 1970); Meneses (1965); Beyersdorff (1992); and Calvo Pérez and Urbano (2008). 2. There is some confusion in the identification of the Cuzqueño priest Cristóbal de Molina in early documents, since there were a number of other individuals with the same name living during the early Colonial Period (Rivera Serna 1949). Several of these individuals lived in the city of Cuzco and were close relatives of Cristóbal de Molina (ca. 1529–1586). Most recently, Urbano (1990) has published a series of archival records from Cuzco that have added to our general understanding of Molina’s life and those of his relatives who shared similar names. 3. Molina gives various estimates of his age in different documents (Porras Barrenechea 1986: 350; also see Millones 1990: 180, 224). 94 ] notes to pages xvii–xxxiii 4. Molina’s skills in Quechua were such that the first modern researchers investigating his life suggested that Molina might have been of EuropeanAndean descent. Subsequent documents have revealed that this was not the case. 5. Rivera Serna (1949: 592) states that Molina finished a second visitation of the Cuzco region on 6 August 1576. 6. Molina was also interviewed briefly concerning the laws of the Incas on 2 April 1582 (Córdoba Mexía 1925: 279–281). 7. Also known as Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui. 8. Lists of sayings may have been a common part of Inca oral history, as Garcilaso de la Vega (1966: 396–397), copying from Blas Valera, also provides a list of sayings from Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui. 9. Various researchers have also suggested that Molina’s History of the Incas may have been a source used by Martín de Murúa. However, since Murúa used Cabello Valboa, as well as a host of other chroniclers, the exact role that Molina ’s History of the Incas played in Murúa’s writing is not clear. For a detailed discussion on Murúa and his sources, see Adorno (2008) and Ossio (2008). 10. During his anti-idolatry work in the Ayacucho region (1569–1571), Albornoz charged more than eight thousand natives of being involved with the Taqui Onqoy movement (Millones 1990: 64). 11. Molina also appears to have shared an informant with Juan de Betanzos (1996). Overlapping details are especially clear in their descriptions of the male initiation rite of the Incas. 12. All copies of Olivera’s report are now lost. There was certainly a copy in Lima in 1570 (Millones 1990: 63), and another was used by Olivera and Molina in Cuzco in 1577 (Millones 1990: 175-182). 13. At the time of its discovery, the movement was also called Aira (Millones 1990: 63). 14. See MacCormack (1991) for a detailed overview of Andean religious practices at the time of Spanish contact. 15. This inspection of Parinacocha most likely occurred in 1568 while Albornoz was the inspector general of Arequipa. 16. Olivera was the last person to testify on 12 January 1577. The testimonies continued two days later, on 14 January 1577, with a statement by Molina. 17. Spanish fears of indigenous rebellions increased following a failed native uprising in the Jauja region in 1564 (Hemming 1970). 18. Depending on the specific nature of these movements, they can also be classified as “messianic” or “revitalizatic.” 19. Andean people have long seen fat as a life-giving force, and it still forms a basic element in many offerings. notes to pages xxxiv–4 [ 95 20. Cobo (1979: 100) suggests that Acosta may have used Molina’s document as one of his sources. This is not correct, although...