Ascetics, Authority, and the Church in the Age of Jerome and Cassian: Second Edition

V. THE WRITTEN WORD

v THE WRITTEN WORD This account of links in the East between ascetics and the church is necessarily inconclusive. By 400 events and per­ sonalities in the West are demanding our attention; and at that time the entente in Egypt was scarcely under way. In the condemnation of Origen, the exile of the Tall Brothers and their companions, the death of Evagrius, and the departure of Palladius and Cassian, the century ended with a drastic demonstration of misunderstanding and bitterness between bishops and monks. Beside this upheaval, the unholy alliance of Theophilus and the 'anthropomorphites' opposed to Origen carries less weight, offering no proof that the ascetic movement was yet successfully harnessed to the purposes of the church. The justice in taking, at this particular moment, the first of our 'sideways steps'-in this case, from Egypt to the world of Jerome-depends on the fact that, by the end of the cen­ tury, asceticism in Egypt had reached a new level, as well as a new stage, in its development. Attitudes in the Vita Prima, for example, analysed at the end of the last chapter, bring an historian to his senses: the text is clearly a weapon, de­ fending one interpretation of how monks should regard their patriarch. In describing the social framework, therefore, within which spiritual authority was exercised, we are victims of the sources; the fascinated, if reluctant, disciples of ascetic masters. So, of course, were many before us. The Apophtheg­ mata Patrum, the Lives and Rule of Pachomius, helped to create the world they revealed; and the authors regarded not only their interpretation of events but also the literary forms in which it was expressed as the natural culmination of ascetic history. Once again, the pace and pattern of change had encouraged, indeed compelled, those in authority to exercise power and protect their leadership in new ways-in this case by writing. THE WRITTEN WORD 69 The change must be examined: the Life of Antony in­ spired the literary style, if not the ascetic ideals, of Jerome and Sulpicius Severus; the Rule of Pachomius, in its written form, represented a new desire to codify ascetic practice, not only in the East; and the emergence of the Apophthegmata provided an essential background to the writings of Palladius and Cassian. Decline in charismatic power, growth in numbers, and an increasing emphasis on example brought about important changes in the relationships of ascetics one with another. Many of the rank and file, particularly within large coenobi­ tic communities, could no longer hope for the eventual posi­ tion of llf3l3a<;, and may have found Pachomius, Theodore, or Orsisius, amidst the crowd, remote.l They turned more often to each other, so that colleagues and companions now had at least as great an effect as spiritual masters on personal development. In the company of his own brethren, a monk would discuss the teaching of the elders, before retiring for the night.2 Together, they exercised control over more im­ mediate superiors.3 When those in authority were absent, they regulated their own affairs, teaching each other, and passing judgement on their equals.4 Orsisius, having stressed that superiors were answerable to Christ, continued, 'And this is to be understood, not only of those in charge of the various houses, but also of each of the brethren in the common body: all must carry one another's burden, in order to fulfil the law of Christ , .5 The source of these illustrations, for the most part the Rule of Pachomius, hints at the sequel. The impact of monk upon monk, now beyond the immediate reach of ascetic masters, had still to be regulated by a lasting and universal sanction; and written texts met such a need. The preservation of authority itself was at stake. In communities less strictly organized, such as those in Scetis, the danger that accompanied this growth in numbers, 1 Bacht, 'Antonius und Pachomius', 95; but see V. Pach. Bo, 80, 107, 195. 2 Pachomius, Praecepta, 19, 122. 3 Praecepta et lnstituta, 17. 4 Praecepta ac Leges, 13 f. 5 Orsisius, Liber. 11. 70 THE DESERT this expansion of a community of equals, was clearly recog­ nized. Ascetics were urged to discuss their problems only with their elders.6 When talking to brethren, they should recount no more than they had seen themselves; and, in such conversations, no one should attempt to dominate his fellows, or claim greater authority for his own words.7 John of Lycopolis warned of those who renounced the world, 'in order to go and see some holy father, hear a few words from his lips, pass them on to others, and boast of having learned from this man or this: they want to teach others instantly-not the things that they themselves have done, but things they have heard and seen'.8 It was probably injust these ways that the sayings of the fathers had been preserved; but one can see why example and imitation came to be re­ garded as better safeguards of tradition. Emphasis lay on pre­ serving immediate relationships with the fathers themselves, hinting at a world where such contact was becoming harder to maintain. As with the Rule of Pachomius, therefore, so with other sources: the written word was seized on as a more accessible alternative to the charismatic authority of the holy man. Certainly, the compiler of the Apophthegmata Patrum saw his work in this light. The collection was designed 'to encour­ age an eager envy, a discipline, a willingness to imitate among those who wished to follow aright a heavenly 'way of life'.9 Envy, discipline, and imitation had been pre�isely the effects formerly produced by the epigrammatic wisdom, the detailed advice, and the vivid example of the fathers.to Palladius re­ garded his writings in the same way. They marked the begin­ ning of a new tradition, a new pattern of discipleship and spiritual formation. By presenting as examples the lives of holy men, he hoped that his readers would become examples in their turn,u New bonds and new sanctions were accompanied by new and sometimes lower standards. Pachomius in particular was 6 Esaias, Ascet. V, 11; XIII, 2. 7 Ibid. X, 55; XXIII, 6s. 8HMi� 397AB. 'PC lxv. 72A. IOThe three types of encounter described above, pp. 19 ff., 35 ff. 11 HL,Preface. THE WRITTEN WORD 71 anxious to provide an environment for men of moderate goodwill, as well as heroes,12 'those brethren of lesser note in the common life, who do not devote themselves to labours of great moment, or an exaggerated asceticism, but proceed in a simple way, obedient to the rules set down, ready to serve, their bodies pure'.13 It was for such as these that order was demanded, and rules written; safeguards which the perfect would not need.14 The move from an oral culture to a written culture was made easier by the sense among ascetics that their true masters were now dead. By the end of the century, leadership had passed to a new generation of men, who always thought of themselves as disciples, dependent for their teaching on the insights of the past. They appealed to the words, counsel, or example of their predecessors, 'memory of whom must remain forever fresh'.15 Their attitude is summed up in a remark attributed to Arsenius: 'Judge by what the fathers said to you: I have no words for you, beyond their own'.16 In a world where each ascetic group, growing in numbers, looked beyond itself for instruction, the resulting demand for continuity, for an authentic voice from the past, prompted the creation of works like the Paralipomena of Pachomius, the Asceticon of Esaias, and the Apophthegmata Patrum themselves.17 They replaced the precarious and some­ times remote memories of loyal disciples. 12Bacht, 'Antonius und Pachomius', pp. 100 f. Note also the desire expressed in G 'to offer aid to many', PC Ixv. 73A. 13 V. Pack. Bo, 105. 14 V. Pack. I, 25, 54. Note the phrase in the latter passage, 'The perfect man does not stumble, even in a situation of freedom or disorder'. Palladius, writing of the Ruleof Pachomius, uses similar terms: 'Perfect men have no need of rules', HLxxxii. Draguet, in his attempt to show that much of HL xxxii is out of touch with the thought of Pachomius, picks on the word 'perfect' as an example, 'Le chapitre', Le Museon, lviii, 19 f. (excerpt vii, n. 51). There is clearly a problem here; but the im­ portant point, with such a clear distinction (between the perfect and those less ad­ vanced), is that someone was making an issue of the matter. To suggest, as does Festugiere, that these sentences in V. Pack. I (omitted by Bo) are 'commonplace' is not convincing, Moines d'Orient, iv, 2, 32. 15 G Theodore of the Ennaton 2. In addition to the references given above, p. 13, n. 13, see G Dioscorus 2, Evagrius 6, Isaac of the Cells 7, Nisteroos 2, Poemen 31, Pistos, Pistamon, Peter Pionita 2; Nau 141, 264; V. Pack. Bo, 190; HLiv. IIi G Paphnutius 5. 17 Chitty, Desert, 67. 72 THE DESERT The L�fe of Antony illustrates the process in miniature. After the death of Antony, it says of his followers, 'Like orphans robbed of their father, they had only his memory with which to comfort one another, holding fast at the same time to his warnings and his exhortations'.18 This represents the period of a flourishing oral tradition. Quickly it was felt that this was not enough. His most intimate disciples claimed his clothing; and of this event the Lzfe says, 'Indeed, to look on them is like seeing Antony; and wearing them is like pondering his warnings with joy'. 19 Here was an attempt to set up an ascetic dynasty, within which teaching could be protected; a group of disciples, who not only preserved the memory of the holy man, but had his spirit living in them. (The same conviction appears in Pachomian literature: the founder himself lived on in Theodore,20 and Theodore in Orsisius.)21 itself: the desire to spread the fame of Antony, 'for the sake of ...helping others'.22He is presented as a timeless ideal, to be imitated by men who never knew him.23 Another facet of this exaltation of the dead appears in even more startling form in Pachomian sources. Orsisius warned his monks that, if they wished to arrive at the 'place of victory', shared by dead fathers and brethren, they must follow in their footsteps. Then, as an added incentive, he pic­ tured Pachomius in that heavenly company, cast in the role of a patron: 'Rejoicing on our account, he will say to the Lord, "As I taught them, so have they lived" '.24 The Lzfe of Antony appeared very soon after the death of its hero, per­ haps because its author felt that only by means of a written account could he protect the memory and guarantee the influence of such a man, whose immediate circle of disciples had been small and isolated.Pachomius, on the other hand, like many of the characters in the Apophthegmata Patrum, had time to grow in the imagination of a great body of 18 V. Ant. 88. 1 9 Ibid. 92. 20 V. Pack. I, 144;Bo, 204. 21 V. Pack. Bo, 210. 1,150 is a little less explicit. 22 V. Ant. 94. 2 3 Ibid., Preface;see Hall, 'Die schriftstellerische Form', 412, 424; 2'Orsisius, Liber, 3, 12;see also 46. THE WRITTEN WORD 73 followers, before the details of his life were committed to writing. 'We glorify and bless even more the Spirit of God dwelling in that man. Indeed, even if we bless his very flesh, it is truly deserved, for his flesh was a temple of the Lord , .25 Faith in the presence of this immortal spirit symbolized a desire for continuity; and to some extent it guaranteed its achievement. There was a tangible basis on which such con­ fidence could build: 'I too [said Theodore] was nourished by our father in the commandments of God for eighteen years; and now, for another eighteen, I in my turn have taken up my post in the midst of you, to the best of my ability, by the command of God, and of our father Orsisius'.26 But the reality was more fragile than the image. 'Give your close attention to what I have to tell you: for certainly a time is coming when you will find no one able to tell you the same'.27 A more forceful invitation to take up the pen could scarcely have been tendered. Genuine continuity was involved, even so-within the change, rather than in spite of it. Hor, the solitary turned coenobite,28 had been unlettered in his youth. When he founded a monastery, however, 'grace was given him from God': he began to recite the Scriptures by heart; 'and, when the brethren offered him a scroll, like a man for a long time learned in letters, he began to read'. How skilfully these men staged their adaptation to changing circumstance!29 John of Lycopolis was another who recognized and welcomed this new pattern of instruction: why should one travel, he said, to seek out ascetics, when one could stay at home and read the prophets?30 So Hor and John, traditional ascetics, could yet look forward with confidence to the opportunities of a more literate, as well as a more settled, generation-although their text was still the Bible. Younger men looked back, to ascetics now dead, whose lives and principles were preserved for them as much in codices as on the lips of those who knew them. 25 V. Pach. Bo, 194. 27 Ibid. 196. 29 HM ii, 406A. 26 Ibid. 199. 2. See above, pp. 40 f. 30 HM i, 395BC. 74 THE DESERT But they responded to their virtue in terms that John and Hor would still have recognized, 'Let us imitate the fathers who, to the day they died, refused to give themselves up to sin, but followed their holy inspirations, as God would have wished'.31 Theodore exhorted his monks to put into practice the teaching of Pachomius 'with a confidence born of faith, knowing that, in listening to him, we make ourselves servants of Jesus'; and, when he quoted the words of God,-'This is my beloved Son, with whom I am well pleased; listen to him',-it was Pachomius he wished them to hear, as well as Christ.32 Nor was it only the dead masters who retained their charism, their capacity to inspire this faith: the new literary tradition was mediated by men who had inherited many of the gifts and techniques of their predecessors. The Rule of Pachomius, for example, was not handed to each monk as a complete text, but developed over a long period, and designed in different parts for different persons. This meant that, for most of the monks, commands and advice would still be given orally. They attended the community assembly 'to hear the word of God'.33 The superiors taught the brethren in each house 'how to live a holy life , .34 Orsisius commanded them, 'Never cease to offer warning, and to teach what is holy, and be in yourself an example of good works , .35 Even in his day, therefore, and even in the Pach­ omian context, one concept of authority enlivened two pat­ terns of instruction, oral and written. He exhorted his readers, 'Let us take care to read and learn the Scriptures'; and then, to support his demand, he quoted from Proverbs, 'From the fruit of his mouth a good man eats good'; and from Deuteronomy, 'You shall therefore lay up these words of mine, which I have commanded you this day, in your heart and in your soul; and you shall teach them to your children, talking of them when you are sitting in your house, and when you are walking by the way, and when you lie 31 Esaias, Ascet. XI, 102. 32 Theodore, Catech., trans. Lefort, 51. 33Pachomius, Praecepta et lnstituta, Introduction. 34Praecepta ac Leges, 12. 350rsisius, Liber, 9. THE WRITTEN WORD 75 down, and when you rise , .36 All these quotations evoked situations long traditional in ascetic society. But note what follows, still quoted in the Liber: 'You shall write them as a sign upon your hand, and they shall be unmoving before your eyes'. The new corpus of ascetic wisdom was to be permanent, and accessible at will, 'too hard for the teeth of time'. It was the inscription on the wall of the cell writ large;37 a silent, almost watchful and unmoving censor of monastic discipline. Beside the painted warnings and exhortations in the monastery of Jeremias, the monk could contemplate the colourful figures of dead saints and patrons-Makare, for example, or Phib-and each one held a book, the ultimate source of those few admonitions, and of many more.38 John of Nikiou under­ stood the true significance of graffiti. When .Teremias gave advice, he said, to the exiled Emperor Anastasius, 'he en­ graved it on the walls of his heart, just as Moses the prophet had received from God the tables of the covenant, on which were engraved the commandments of the law'.39 Such was the atmosphere in which the monk would read his inscrip­ tions-and contemplate his portraits. It was said of Pambo, in the Apophthegmata Patrum, 'Just as Moses, when his face was glorified, took on the likeness of the glory of Adam, so the face of the Abba Pambo shone like lightning, and he was like a king sitting on his throne' .40 This was where the encounter between master and disciple was preserved. The "Ao,,{OC;, the word of the father, was patiently copied, and carefully lodged in the niches of the cell; and the master himself, the patron now dead but still admired, and lovingly portrayed upon the wall, stood watchful guard over the reading and meditation. When Theodore set in motion the compilation of the lives of Pachomius, he did more than initiate a hagiographical tradition. His anxious warning, 'a time is coming when you will find no one able to tell 360rsisius, Liber, 5l. 37 See above, p. 55. 38 Quibell, Excavations, ii, 1906-7 (Cairo, 1908),64, and Plate XLIV. 39 Quibell, iii, p. iii. 40 G Pambo 12. 76 THE DESERT you the same',41 awakens a distant but recognizable echo in the heart of a monk many centuries later, painting the wall of his cell: Woe is me! For a time will be when I shall not be: The writing shall endure; The hands shall perish in the tombs.42 41 See above, p. 73. "w. E. Crum, 'Inscriptions from Shenoute's Monastery', ITS v (1903-4), 562. ...