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6. The Struggle of Ideas and Self-Interest in Canadian Climate Policy
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6 The Struggle of Ideas and Self-Interest in Canadian Climate Policy Kathryn Harrison Introduction In ratifying the Kyoto Protocol in December 2002, Canada accepted perhaps the most ambitious commitment among all parties to the agreement . Although Canada’s formal target is to reduce its emissions to 6 percent below 1990 levels by 2008 to 2012, Canadian policymakers knew that in order to comply they would need to deliver a 30 percent reduction below projected emissions by 2010.1 The impact of such deep reductions on economic competitiveness loomed especially large after the withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol of Canada’s largest trading partner, the United States, in 2001. Since ratification, however, a succession of governments has failed to halt Canada’s emissions growth, let alone to deliver the dramatic reductions necessary to achieve compliance. The contrast between Canada’s ratification of the Kyoto Protocol and its inaction with respect to compliance might suggest that ratification was a merely symbolic gesture. However, this chapter argues that Canada ’s decision to ratify entailed a meaningful commitment to undertake significant reductions. We are thus faced with two questions. Why did Canada ratify the Kyoto Protocol despite anticipation of significant costs? And why, given that bold commitment, has Canada made so little progress in reducing its emissions? The politics of ratification are significantly different from those of implementation. Canadian prime minister Jean Chrétien was able to employ his considerable authority as leader of a majority party in Canada ’s parliamentary system to fulfill a personal commitment to ratification , despite electoral and institutional obstacles. However, the latter reasserted themselves before the ink was dry on Canada’s ratification papers. As Canada turned from the relatively abstract question of rati- fication to the task of designing and implementing concrete policies to 170 Kathryn Harrison reduce its emissions, opposition from business and the provinces persisted even as public attention subsided. The Liberal governments of Chrétien and his successor, Paul Martin, both yielded to the business community and anxious provincial governments in proposing implementation plans that relied primarily on public spending rather than regulation . Thereafter, election in 2006 of a Conservative minority government ideologically opposed to the Kyoto Protocol further undermined implementation efforts as the new government announced that Canada would not even try to meet its target under the Kyoto Protocol. That said, the resurgence of public attention to the environment in late 2006 prompted even the Conservative government to commit to regulatory measures to reduce Canada’s emissions, while at the same time many provincial governments announced initiatives of their own. Although public pressure on climate change subsided with the onset of the global economic crisis in late 2008, the election of US President Obama and the ensuing dramatic turn in US climate policy will facilitate adoption of harmonized policies in Canada as well. Thus, despite Canada ’s brief divergence from its major trading partner in ratifying the Kyoto Protocol, it seems likely that the two will again converge, with Canada taking its lead from its dominant partner. Domestic Factors in an International Context This chapter seeks to explain two distinct outcomes: Canada’s decision to ratify the Kyoto Protocol in December 2002, and Canada’s failure to date to adopt effective policies to mitigate climate change. The focus of the chapter is on three broad domestic variables that influence policymakers ’ decisions: electoral incentives, political institutions, and policymakers ’ own ideals. While the chapter is primarily concerned with domestic politics, the direction and degree of international influence on both electoral incentives and policymakers’ normative commitments is also considered. Electoral Incentives A critical motive of politicians in any democracy is that of reelection. However, while the politician faces voters only once ever few years, she or he contends with organized interest groups on a regular basis. The relative influence on those groups will depend on their size, since their members are the voters most likely to take into account the government’s actions on the issue in question come election time, but more importantly [54.198.37.250] Project MUSE (2024-03-28 10:19 GMT) The Struggle of Ideas and Self-Interest in Canadian Climate Policy 171 on their claims to speak for the interests of the electorate at large. With respect to climate policy, Canadian politicians faced competing arguments from business organizations, who argued that emissions reductions would cripple Canada’s economy, and the environmental community, which insisted that mitigation...