Women's Songs from West Africa

17 - Income Strategies of a Jelimuso in Mali and France

17 j Income Strategies of a Jelimuso in mali and France Nienke Muurling inTroduCTion Remittances are a major source of income in Mali. It is estimated that the yearly amount of money sent by Malian emigrants exceeds 100 million euros, of which at least 50 million euros are sent by Malians who reside in France.1 One indicator of the importance of these France-Mali remittances is the fact that France provides approximately 60 million euros a year in aid to Mali (Gubert 2003). The “French money” sent by relatives is used for the purchase agricultural equipment. The funds are also invested in social relationships. Although these transfers of funds may appear at first to operate outside the framework of traditional customs because they are initiated in France rather than in Mali, other participants, in particular professional female singers known as jelimusow,2 also participate. The question is how these women, involved locally in activities that involve money (rewards for performances and other services), participate in the larger financial network linking France and Mali. In their praise songs jelimusow forge relations between people by connecting them to their ancestors and relatives. At the same time they emphasize the unique and wealthy position of the subject, often in the presence of a large public—for example, at a major event such as a wedding or an installation of a chief. The subject of the songs appreciates the lyrics of the jelimusow because they heighten the reputation of the patron, who in turn will remunerate them with a gift such as jewelry, cloth, or money. Money, then, purchases not only luxury goods but also personal and family fame. During her performance, the Income Strategies of a Jelimuso in Mali and France 291 jelimuso not only establishes or strengthens relations between people present but also confirms a people’s identity in relation to others, thus creating a kind of transparency in networks. But what about the jelimusow themselves? What are their income and distribution strategies? How do they make ends meet? And how do they handle the problems all women have to cope with when living in a large city such as Bamako ? Where do their financial operations fit into the larger network of transfers from France to Mali? How does increasing anonymity, caused by migration and the growing size of Bamako, contribute to family problems? What is the impact of the relatively new development of neolocal settlement of husband and wife upon marriage, and in particular the decline of the extended family as a basis for socio-economic organization? (Brand 2000, 45, 59 and 90–93). One outcome is that people become more dependent on new networks, as demonstrated by an increasing proportion of gifts received from friends (Vaa et al. 1989), which easily transcends national boundaries. In this rapidly changing context, it is the involvement of the jelimuso with the social services she offers that may provide partial solutions, or at least some hope, to individuals and families. In Bamako, the capital of Mali, it is not unusual that a local and fairly wellknown jelimuso earns up to 200,000 Communauté financière africaine (CFA) francs a day, the equivalent of 300 euros, when performing at a life course celebration such as a naming ceremony or a wedding. This leads one to ask, what is the source of this money in a country as poor as Mali? And why are people willing to invest in something seemingly immaterial like social relationships? The answer to the second question is that by investing in relations people are building social capital and enlarging the network on which they can call in times of necessity. Here I follow Annelet Harts-Broekhuis, who states that “social obligations towards families and others of the same social or cultural group play a major role in the allocation of work, housing, and income. These ties are not only important for ensuring integration into the urban structure but also function as a help network during periods of economic depression” (1997, 107). As for the first question, it appears that the lion’s share comes from abroad, primarily from France, where a rather large Malian community exists,3 but also from countries such as Ivory Coast and Gabon. For example, Madu Diawara, one of my informants, who has been living in France since November 2001 and who works as a security agent, assured me that he sends at least 80 percent of his monthly salary of €1000 to his relatives in...