A Contest of Ideas: Capital, Politics and Labor

Notes

Notes Introduction 1. Clark Kerr, The Uses of the University (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1963), 66; also see Kerr’s autobiography, The Gold and the Blue: A Personal Memoir of the University of California, 1949–1967 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003). 2. This was the wing of Trotskyism identified with Max Shachtman. See Peter Drucker, Max Shachtman and His Left (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1994). 3. Nelson Lichtenstein, “Industrial Unionism under the No-Strike Pledge: A Study of the CIO during the Second World War” (unpublished PhD thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1974). 4. Nelson Lichtenstein, Labor’s War at Home: The CIO in World War II (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982; repr. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2003). 5. Nelson Lichtenstein, “Defending the No-Strike Pledge: CIO Politics during World War II,” Radical America 9 (July-August 1975): 49–75. 6. Charles Maier, Recasting Bourgeois Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1975); David Abraham, The Collapse of the Weimar Republic: Political Economy and Crisis (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1986); Howell Harris, The Right to Manage: Industrial Relations Policies of American Business in the 1940s (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982); Sanford Jacoby, Employing Bureaucracy: Managers, Unions, and the Transformation of Work in American Industry, 1900–1945 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985). 7. Herbert Gutman, “Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America, 1815–1919,” American Historical Review 78 (June 1973): 531–88. 8. See W. W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1960), where the author famously describes Communists and other radicals as “scavengers of the modernization process.” Likewise, Clark Kerr also saw labor radicalism as a variable that was largely dependent on the particular stage of development in an industrial society and the relative isolation or integration of the workers into that larger society. Kerr, “The Interindustry Propensity to Strike: An International Comparison,” in Labor and Management in Industrial Society, ed. Clark Kerr (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1964), 105–147. 9. Like the 1911 edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica, the first edition of Who Built America was the most distinctive and best remembered. It was “authored” less by individual writers than by a collective. The American Social History Project et al., Who Built America? Working People and the Nation’s Economy, Politics, Culture, and Society, Vol. 2: From the Gilded Age to the Present (New York: Pantheon, 1992). 10. Martin Glaberman, “Walter Reuther and the Decline of the American Labor Movement ,” International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 11 (1997): 73–77; Herbert Lichtenstein_ContestofIdeas_TEXT.indd 261 5/24/13 8:04 AM 262 notes to introduction and chapter 1 Hill, “Lichtenstein’s Fictions: Meany, Reuther, and the 1964 Civil Rights Act, New Politics 7 (Summer 1998): 82–107. Glaberman, a sometime follower of C.L.R. James, thought working-class militancy emerged from a spontaneous and unstructured context. He therefore rejected my close attention to the role played by veteran militants, whom he saw as ensnared within a union structure that was inherently antiradical. 11. For more of my thoughts on these matters, see the middle chapters of Nelson Lich­ tenstein, State of the Union: A Century of American Labor (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002). 12. Nelson Lichtenstein, ed., American Capitalism: Social Thought and Political Economy in the Twentieth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006). 13. Nelson Lichtenstein, ed., Wal-Mart: The Face of Twenty-First-Century Capitalism (New York: New Press, 1996); and Lichtenstein, The Retail Revolution: How Wal-Mart Created a Brave New World of Business (New York: Picador, 2010). Chapter 1. Writing and Rewriting Labor’s Narrative This essay was first published as “Introduction to the New Edition,” Labor’s War at Home: The CIO in World War II (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2003). 1. New Left skepticism toward both the UAW and GM during the 1970 strike is well captured in William Serrin, The Company and the Union: The “Civilized” Relationship of the General Motors Corporation and the United Automobile Workers (New York: Knopf, 1973). 2. The International Socialists, which now exists as Solidarity, traced its ideological roots to the 1940 division within the Trotskyist movement. Max Shachtman, Irving Howe, Dwight Macdonald, Hal Draper, and others then argued that the Soviet Union was not, as Trotsky held, a “degenerated workers state” worthy of critical support, but a “bureaucratic collectivist” regime, as repressive in its own way as any state in the capitalist world. See Peter Drucker, Max Shachtman and...