Cover

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pp. 1-3

Title Page

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pp. 4-4

Copyright Page

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pp. 5-7

Contents

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pp. vii-viii

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Preface and Acknowledgments

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pp. ix-xii

In the summer of 2011, as I waited in stifling one-hundred-degree heat and humidity for a bus to take me from the National Archives in College Park, Maryland, to a gritty Washington, D.C., hotel, I briefly experienced a midlife crisis. What insanity, I wondered, had led me to abandon the cool streams and lakes surrounding my home in Maine ...

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Introduction

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pp. 1-18

Many students of U.S. history and politics are likely familiar with President Woodrow Wilson’s famous pledge to make the world “safe for democracy” during World War I. Far fewer are aware that Wilson viewed the cooperation of the United States and international labor movements as critical to achieving this goal. ...

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Part I: Mexico and the Western Hemisphere

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pp. 19-22

President Wilson is perhaps best remembered for his policies toward World War I and his role in creating the League of Nations at Versailles. Yet he first cut his diplomatic teeth on foreign policies toward the Western hemisphere and developed many of his ideas about collective security and self-determination ...

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Chapter 1: The Mexican Revolution as Catalyst

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pp. 23-50

In the spring of 1914, two dramatic events dominated the U.S. labor and Socialist press and illustrated compellingly the ways in which the class struggle in the United States was related to the social and political upheaval that had been occurring in Mexico since 1910. ...

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Part II: World War I and the U.S. Labor Debate over Neutrality and Preparedness

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pp. 51-55

Only a few short months separated the Wilson administration’s occupation of the Mexican port of Veracruz from the outbreak of war in Europe during the late summer of 1914. A seemingly minor incident precipitated the so-called “Great War.” ...

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Chapter 2: The Outbreak of World War I and the Socialist "War on War"

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pp. 56-90

On August 8, 1914, only a few days after European powers declared war against one another, a remarkable mass protest meeting staged by the New York and New Jersey Socialist Parties attracted over ten thousand Socialists and trade unionists to Union Square in New York City despite “broiling” hot weather. ...

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Chapter 3: Antiwar Cultures of the AFL, the Debate over Preparedness, and the Gompers Turnabout

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pp. 91-122

In the autumn of 1915, the Seattle Central Labor Council (SCLC), an AFL affiliate, considered an unusual issue at its weekly meetings. Ordinarily such meetings were dominated by discussions of how to promote union organizing campaigns, resolve jurisdictional disputes between local unions, or assist in area strike activities. ...

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Part III: U.S. Belligerency

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pp. 123-127

Although Wilson was reelected in late 1916 in part on the strength of his antiwar platform, he declared war against Germany less than six months later. Two developments precipitated his decision. On January 31, 1917, Germany announced unrestricted submarine warfare against all vessels found in British waters. ...

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Chapter 4: Dialectical Relationships: Collaboration and Resistance in Wartime

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pp. 128-151

In the spring of 1917, AFL Vice President James Duncan, a former granite cutter of humble Scottish immigrant origins, took the trip of a lifetime at U.S. government expense. Appointed by President Wilson as an “envoy extraordinary” to a diplomatic mission that visited Russia in the wake of the March revolution that overthrew the Czar, ...

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Chapter 5: The AFL, International Labor Politics, and Labor Dissent in 1918

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pp. 152-176

During February of 1918, Samuel Gompers and William English Walling sent a long memo to President Wilson warning of a significant new threat to the Allied war effort: the spreading contagion of Bolshevism and German minority socialism. ...

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Part IV: Versailles and Its Aftermath

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pp. 177-180

Two types of peace gatherings, suggests Alan Dawley, took place in Europe during the first half of 1919: the “official meeting of diplomats at the old Bourbon Palace of Versailles,” and the “unofficial gatherings of people’s representatives, most of whom were not welcome in Paris and had to find someplace else to meet.” ...

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Chapter 6: Making the World Safe for Workers? The AFL, Wilson, and the Creation of the ILO at Versailles

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pp. 181-207

In early December 1918, the diplomat Raymond Fosdick related to President Wilson an interesting personal anecdote about working-class hopes and dreams on the eve of the Versailles Conference. Fosdick was taking a cab to the New York ferry at 6 A.M. when he noticed hundreds of working men and women, ...

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Chapter 7: U.S. Labor Irreconcilables and Reservationists and the Founding ILO Conference in Washington, D.C., November 1919

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pp. 208-240

Included in the British delegation that traveled to the founding convention of the ILO in Washington, D.C., in the fall of 1919 was George Barnes, the British architect of the initial plan for the ILO. In his memoirs, Barnes would write of his experiences that “we were received very coldly in Washington.” ...

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Conclusion

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pp. 241-246

The Senate’s final rejection of the Treaty of Versailles brought to an end the eight-year war of position waged among U.S. labor and Socialist groups in an effort to influence the Wilsonian international agenda. No clear winners emerged from the war; it ended in stalemate. ...

Notes

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pp. 247-286

Abbreviations and Primary Sources

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pp. 287-292

Index

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pp. 293-299