Thin Evidence, More Polarization

White Rural Rage: The Threat to American Democracy, by political scientist Tom Schaller and journalist Paul Waldman, has elicited much discussion across the U.S. political spectrum.¹ It has enjoyed enthusiastic reviews from many prominent progressives, and comparable hostility from conservatives. The conservative reaction is understandable, given the book's ideological and partisan agenda. This is somewhat unfortunate, as Schaller and Waldman do provide some trenchant critiques of rural America's political culture. However, the work's polemical nature, selective use of relevant data, and unconvincing anecdotes undermines a project that may have started a useful discussion.

To give the authors their due, they raise many important points. Rural white Americans, mostly because they are disproportionately conservative and Republican, have been especially prone to believe absurd right-wing conspiracy theories. The preposterous claims about the 2020 election being "stolen" are transparently false. Despite any minor uncertainties in select places, President Biden clearly won the election. The degree to which significant elements of conservative media promoted phony narratives about this issue was shameful, and the lawsuits many have subsequently faced are well deserved. The refusal of so many conservative influencers to condemn the violence of January 6^th should be a permanent black mark against the movement.

Schaller and Waldman are also right to critique the outrageous claims, too often repeated by more irresponsible voices in right-wing media, that COVID-19 vaccines were unsafe. Vaccine hesitancy undoubtedly resulted in many unnecessary deaths, particularly among white rural conservatives who (because they tend to be older than the overall population) were especially vulnerable to the disease. The author's partisan biases were on display, however, when they suggested President Trump was responsible for this development. Operation Warp Speed, the effort to quickly create and distribute an effective vaccine for the illness, was launched by the Trump Administration with the president's blessing. Whatever else one thinks of Trump's other policy initiative, this campaign was an astonishing success.

The book also accurately notes that many rural communities have faced genuine hardships in recent decades. Mining jobs are disappearing, as are family farms. Too many rural people are dying of drug overdoses, alcoholism, and suicide. With dwindling economic prospects, talented and ambitious young people from rural communities typically move away, leading to a devastating "rural brain drain." This is a serious problem for small towns and rural areas, and we should give serious thought to how it might be overcome. The authors offer few realistic solutions, however, and instead blame "late-stage capitalism" for these problems and suggest more government spending as a panacea.

I am inclined to agree with the authors that free-trade agreements are not the main cause of rural economic malaise. It is somewhat curious that these authors reject that possibility, however, given their suggestion that capitalism, per se, is the problem. What is more aligned with laissez faire capitalism than free trade? I can only conclude that their rejection of this explanation is driven by their partisan agenda. They must insist that former President Trump could not possibly have been correct about anything, including on issues that seem aligned with an anti-capitalist ideology.

Schaller and Waldman also raise good points about the degree to which conservatives insist that rural Americans are beyond reproach, catering to their resentments. Conservatives insist that progressives are paragons of "political correctness," overreacting to every real or imagined slight against people they consider part of their in-group. The right, however, reacts in a similar manner to any criticism of the white rural population, taking quotes out of context to insist that urban liberals harbor a deep-seated hostility toward rural America. A more balanced approach would admit that many of the problems faced by rural America are self-inflicted. Just as conservatives are eager to blame problems in urban areas on "culture," they should similarly admit that rural Americans also possess agency, and they are not just passive victims.

White Rural Rage suggests that there is overwhelming evidence that rural whites are particularly inclined toward violence and anti-democratic sentiments. The data they lean on, however, is often rather thin, despite...