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  • Η Άκρα Δεξιά στην Ελλάδα, 1965–2018 [The Far Right in Greece, 1965–2018]. by Vassiliki Georgiadou
  • Paris Aslanidis (bio)
Vassiliki Georgiadou (Βασιλική Γεωργιάδου), Η Άκρα Δεξιά στην Ελλάδα, 1965–2018 [The Far Right in Greece, 1965–2018]. Athens: Ekdoseis Kastanioti, 2019. Pp. xii + 229. Paper €15.00.

Professor Vassiliki Georgiadou (Panteion University of Athens) is a leading expert on the Far Right phenomenon in Western Europe (Georgiadou 2008; Georgiadou, Rori, and Roumanias 2018). In her latest book, Georgiadou focuses specifically on the Greek case, but instead of following the recent trend of Golden Dawn-specific scholarship (e.g., Vasilopoulou and Halikiopoulou 2015; Ellinas and Lamprianou 2016; Dinas et al. 2019; Ellinas 2020) she offers a brief but fairly comprehensive study of the historical development of the Greek Far Right. Based on extensive qualitative research into primary source materials (publications and other documents from the relevant political parties), secondary sources, and public opinion data, The Far Right in Greece covers the main political formations that have represented radical and extreme right-wing voters in the Greek party system since the mid-1960s. The book aims to acquaint the lay reader with current academic research while offering a number of important observations for the use of scholars.

The analysis follows a chronological order, beginning with the 4th of August Party (Κόμμα 4ης Αυγούστου, Komma 4is Avgoustou, Κ4Α) and moving on to the National Democratic Union (Εθνική Δημοκρατική Ένωσις, Ethniki Dimokratiki Enosis, EDE), the National Alignment (Εθνική Παράτα-ξις, Ethniki Parataksis, EP) and its youth wing (ENEP), the United Nationalist Movement (Ενιαίο Εθνικιστικό Κίνημα, Eniaio Ethnikistiko Kinima, ΕΝΕΚ), the National Political Union (Εθνική Πολιτική Ένωσις, Ethniki Politiki Enosis, EPEN), the National Party (Εθνικό Κόμμα, Ethniko Komma, EK), the Greek Front (Ελληνικό Μέτωπο, Elliniko Metopo, EM), the Popular Orthodox Rally (Λαϊκός Ορθόδοξος Συναγερμός, Laikos Orthodoxos Synagermos, LAOS), the Golden Dawn (Χρυσή Αυγή, Chrisi Avgi, XA), and the Independent Greeks (Ανεξάρτητοι Έλληνες, Anexartitoi Ellines, ANEL). [End Page 223]

Georgiadou posits three basic values of the Greek Far Right: an ultra-ethnic understanding of national community (with considerable racist overtones), virulent irredentism, and anticommunism. Since the beginning of the present century, a populist tendency (which Georgiadou does not elevate to the status of the aforementioned values) has been added to the mix, but the basic values identified by Georgiadou animated K4A, founded in 1965 by 26-year-old lawyer Konstantinos Plevris (who is still politically active today). Georgiadou aptly characterizes K4A as the "ideological and organizational womb" (56) of post-1974 right-wing extremism in Greece. Touting a Nazi ideology customized to fit Greek idiosyncrasies, it became the seedbed for several cohorts of activists who subsequently populated the Greek political scene. Focusing mainly on Plevris and his entourage, Georgiadou makes the case that K4A consciously adopted the rhetoric and symbolism of the German NSDAP prior to gaining access to the halls of power under the military regime of 1967–1974 (chapter 2).

After democracy was restored, the newly founded EP's spectacular one-off performance in the 1977 election (6.82% of the total vote) startled New Democracy (ND, the mainstream center right party) and demonstrated the lingering vitality of anticommunist and monarchist constituencies. Yet, as Georgiadou asserts, the junta's downfall had precipitated an organic crisis within the core of the Far Right that was manifested in a tension between opportunistic old-style politicians and younger activists pursuing a more ideological agenda (chapter 3). With EP gradually cozying up to New Democracy, its youth wing (ENEP) broke ranks in 1979 to regroup as ENEK, whose pro-junta discourse was coupled with a sweeping condemnation of the political system. ENEK's electoral record remained unremarkable until its disbandment in 1991. EPEN, established in 1984 as the personal electoral vehicle of the incarcerated junta leader Georgios Papadopoulos, fared somewhat better, gaining an MEP seat in the 1984 European elections (chapter 4). However, its monothematic agenda—the quest to discharge imprisoned junta leaders—gradually alienated EPEN's youth wing, which, under the leadership of Makis Voridis (1985–1990) sought to break free from the ossified, inward-looking discourse of their elders and incorporate the tactics of the French Nouvelle Droite in pursuit of new voter pools.

The Far Right languished electorally until the rise of nativist sentiment in the mid-1990s provided the political opportunity for "third wave" parties—such as Voridis's Greek Front and particularly Giorgos Karatzaferis's LAOS (with which...

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