The Clash of Values: Islamic Fundamentalism versus Liberal Nationalism by Mansoor Moaddel (review)

Many ideologies compete in the political life of the Middle East and North Africa. Mansoor Moaddel argues that in the competition for intellectual control of the social order there is now little popular support for previously significant movements like pan-Arab nationalism, state socialism, or secular authoritarian nationalism. Instead, a central objective of The Clash of Values is to show that "liberalism and religious fundamentalism are the two major ideological movements" in the region (p. 116). In the competition between these two, Moaddel concludes that the value orientations of the people in major countries in the region "have been changing in a liberal democratic direction" (p. 251).

Studies of trends in sociopolitical thought and value orientations often rely on the public communications of intellectuals, opinion makers in the media, and political leaders. Moaddel uses an alternative approach by concentrating on "the value orientations of the members of the ordinary public," examining their views on the issues that also concern the public intellectual and political leaders (p. 34). In the book's introduction, he defines his approach within the general conceptualizations of subaltern studies, working to avoid rigid dualist classifications of societies and people as traditional or modern, primitive or advanced, among others (p. 23). Moaddel's study is based on surveys undertaken in Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, and Turkey.

Analyses of the value orientations of the general public as they reflect an awareness and commitment to liberalism or fundamentalism provide the core of Moaddel's study. He defines specific values as components of liberalism and fundamentalism and presents his analysis of popular support for those values based on the results of the surveys. Chapter One examines the nature and support for expressive individualism. Three indicators of this support are presented: preference for love rather than parental guidance in choosing a marriage partner, support for a woman's right to choose her clothing, and recognition of imagination and independence rather than obedience in children (p. 48). Support for these value orientations was found to be strongest among young respondents and those with university education.

Chapter Two examines views on gender equality and the social status of women. Moaddel views the social status of women as "the main point of ideological contestation among intellectual leaders, ruling elites, political activists, and the public at large . . . A liberal democratic order may not be possible without equality between the sexes" (p. 80).

A third component of liberal value orientations in Moaddel's analysis is secular politics, which he discusses in Chapter Three. Many scholars and observers, both Muslim and non-Muslim, assert that, in Islam, "legitimate rule rested on the unity of religion and politics" and that secular politics was counter to Islam (p. 86). However, Moaddel argues that in "historical Islam, secular politics was recognized de facto"(p. 83) and that a division of power between sultans and 'ulama has been an important part of Muslim political history. This heritage created foundations for modern Islamic liberalism which supported movements like constitutionalism (pp. 112–13). Moaddel's approach does not view the relationship between secular and religious as an "either/or" dichotomy; it is possible to be both secular and religious. This religionization of the concept of the secular reflects important trends in current scholarship on contemporary political life.

Moaddel defines fundamentalism in Chapter Four in terms of attitudes toward religious beliefs. It involves religious exclusivity and intolerance, with literalist and authoritarian approaches to beliefs. However, in his analysis, the relationship between fundamentalism and liberalism is complex. Although conceptually they are "incompatible discourses," empirically it is "hard to recognize the point where fundamentalism ends and liberalism begins" (p. 138).

The first four chapters define the value orientations and they also discuss variations within liberalism and fundamentalism, noting differences in value orientations by age, gender, and level of education. The final chapters of the book deal with what Moaddel calls the "macro level," following the...