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Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01) WESTERN-LANGUAGE WORKS ON T'ANG STUDIES, 1999-2000 This bibliography attempts to be as complete as possible for Western-language works on T'ang studies published-not necessarily dated-in 1999 and 2000. A few items not included in earlier bibliographies are also listed. It should be noted that some books and articles included here are only partly concerned with the T'ang; the criterion for inclusion in such cases is that the work deal with a T'ang topic in more than an incidental, albeit less than exclusive, fashion. The bibliography is divided into three sections-(I) Books, (II) Articles and Research Notes, and (III) Dissertations. Omissions should be brought to the attention of the Editor, for inclusion in future lists. I. BOOKS Chiu-Duke, Josephine. To Rebuild the Empire: Lu Chih's Confucian Pragmatist Approach to the Mid- T'ang Predicament. Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 2000. De Dunhuang au Japan: Etudes chinoises et bouddhiques offertes a Michel Soymie. Ed. Jean-Pierre Drege. Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1996. Gimm, Martin. Cui Lingqin und sein Traktat zu den hofischen Theater- und Unterhaltungskunsten im China des 8. Jahrhunderts, Bd. 1: Der Autor des Jiaofang ji. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1998. Muller, A. Charles. The Sutra of Pe~fect Enlightenment: Korean Buddhism's Guide to Meditation (with Commentary by the Soan Monk Kihwa). Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 1999. 131 Bibliography Picken, Laurence E.R., and Noel J. Nickson, eds. Music from the Tang Court, 6. Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1997. Music from the Tang Court, 7: Some Ancient Connections Explored . Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2000. Popova, LP. Politicheskaya praktika i ideologiya rannetanskogo Kitaya. Moscow : Izdatel'skaya firma "Vostochnaya literatura" Rossiiskoi Akademii nauk, 1999. Reiter, Florian C. The Aspirations and Standards of Taoist Priests in the Early T'ang Period. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1998. Tung, Jowen R. Fables for the Patriarchs: Gender Politics in Tang Discourse. Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000. Wang-Toutain, Fran«;oise. Le bodhisattva K~itigarbha en Chine du Ve au XlIIe siecle. Paris: L'Ecole fran«;aise d'Extreme-Orient, 1998. Xiong, Victor Cunrui. Sui-Tang Chang'an: A Study in the Urban History of Medieval China. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, Univ. of Michigan , 2000. II. ARTICLES AND RESEARCH NOTES Baker, Janet. "Sui and Early Tang Period Images of the Heavenly King in Tombs and Temples." Orientations 30.4 (1999):53-57. Barrett, T.H. "Did I-ching Go to India?" Buddhist Studies Review 15.2 (1998): 142-156. 132 T'ang Studies 18-19 (2000-01) "China and the Redundancy of the Medieval." Journal of Medieval History 1 (1998): 73-89. "Images of Printing in Seventh-Century Religious Literature." Chinese Science 15 (1998): 81-93. Branner, David Prager. "A Neutral Transcription System for Teaching Medieval Chinese ." T'ang Studies 17 (1999): 1-169. Chan, Tim W. "Literary Criticism and the Ethics of Poetry: The 'Four Elites of the Early Tang' and Pei Xingjian." T'ang Studies 15-16 (199798 ): 157-182. Chandra, Lokesh. "The Role of Tantras in the Defence Strategy of Tang China." In Ad Seres et Tungusos: Festschrift fUr Martin Gimm, ed. Lutz Bieg et a1.Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000. Pp. 33-42. De Meyer, Jan. "Mountainhopping: The Life of Wu Yun." T'ang Studies 17 (1999): 171-211. "Linked Verse and Linked Faiths: An Inquiry into the Social Circle of an Eminent Tang Dynasty Taoist Master." In Linked Faiths: Essays on Chinese Religions and Traditional Culture, in Honour of Kristofer Schipper, ed. Jan A. M. De Meyer and Peter M. Engelfriet. Leiden: Brill,2000.Pp. 148-183. Deng Xiaonan. "Women in Turfan during the Sixth to Eighth Centuries: A Look at the Activities Outside the Home." Journal of Asian Studies 58 (1999): 85-110. Dh~ny,Jean-Pierre. '/La legende, Ie conte et Yhistoire: Le cas du Venerable Zhang Guo (VIlle siecle)." In En suivant la Voie Royale: Melanges offerts en hommage a Leon Vandermeersch, ed. Jacques Gernet, Marc 133 Bibliography Kalinowski, Jean-Pierre Dieny. Paris: Ecole fran<;aise d'Extreme-Orient, 1997.Pp. 315-328. ilL'embarquement de l'elephant: Un etrange episode de la conquete du pouvoir par Xuanzong des Tang." In Le Vase de beryl: Etudes sur Ie Japan et la Chine en hommage a Bernard Frank, ed. Jacqueline Pigeot and Hartmut 0 Rotermund. Arles: Philippe Picquier, 1997.Pp. 311-316. Durt, Hubert. ilL'apparition du Buddha a sa mere apres son nirvana dans le Sutra de Mahamaya et le Sutra de la Mere du Buddha." In De Dunhuang au Japan. Pp. 1-24. Eliasberg, Danielle. liLa complainte des pauvres moines." In De Dunhuang au Japan . Pp. 93-102. Franzini, Serge. flFormulation des dates en chinois a partir des calendriers de Dunhuang." In De Dunhuang au Japan. Pp. 203-230. Fukui Fumimasa. fiLe Satra du Coeur recite par Xuanzang (602?-664) en route pour l'Inde." In Le Vase de beryl: Etudes sur Ie Japan et fa Chine en hommage a Bernard Frank, ed. Jacqueline Pigeot and Hartmut O. Rotermund. Aries: Philippe Picquier, 1997.Pp. 27-33. Gagnon, Guy. fiLa postface personnelle de Liu Zhiji au Shifang: Un essai d'ego-histoire?" In De Dunhuang au Japan. Pp. 337-369. Gurevich, 1.S. fI A Fragment of a pien-wen (?) Related to the Cycle 'On Buddha 's Life.' /I Sino-Platonic Papers 82 (1998):1-15. Hamar, Imre. flChengguan's Theory of the Four Dharma-dhatus." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 51.1-2(1998):1-19. 134 Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01) "The Doctrines of Perfect Teaching in Ch'eng-kuan's Introduction to his Commentary on the Hua-yen ching." Journal of the Center of Buddhist Studies 3 (1998):331-349. Hansen, Valerie. "The Silk Road Project: Reuniting Turfan's Scattered Treasures ." Revue bibliographique de Sinologie n.S. 17 (1999): 63-73. "A Brief History of the Turfan Oasis." Orientations 30.4 (1999): 24-27. "Turfan as a Silk Road Community." Asia Major 3rd ser. 6.2 (1998): l-1I. "The Path of Buddhism into China: The View from Turfan." Asia Major 3rd ser. 6.2 (1998):37-66. Holcombe, Charles. "Early Imperial China's Deep South: The Viet Regions through Tang Times." T'ang Studies 15-16 (1997-98): 125-156. Kang Xiaofei. "The Fox and the Barbarian: Unraveling Representations of the Other in Late Tang Tales." Journal of Chinese Religions 27 (1999):35-67. Karetzky, Patricia E. "The Representation of Women in Medieval China: Recent Archaeological Evidence." T'ang Studies 17 (1999): 213-27I. Kirkland, Russell. "Dimensions of Tang Taoism: The State of the Field at the End of the Millennium." T'ang Studies 15-16 (1997-98): 79-123. Klopsch, Volker. "Hohenfliige und Absturze: Zur Rezeption des Dichters Li Bo (701-762) im deutschen Sprachraum." In Ad Seres et Tungusos: Festschrift fur Martin Gimm, ed. Lutz Bieg et a1. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000. Pp. 245-257. 135 Bibliography Kohn, Livia. "Mind and Eyes: Sensory and Spiritual Experience in Daoist Mysticism." Monumenta Serica 46 (1998): 129-156. "The Date and Compilation of the Fengdao kejie, the First Handbook of Monastic Daoism." East Asian History 13-14 (1997):91-118. Kroll, Paul W. "Tamed Kite and Stranded Fish: Interference and Apology in Lu Chao-lin'sfu." T'ang Studies 15-16 (1997-98):41-77. Magnin, Paul. "Donateurs et joueurs en l'honneur du Buddha." In De Dunhuang au fapon. Pp. 103-139. Martin, Fran<;ois. "Kukai et les secrets de la poesie chinoise./1 In Le Vase de beryl: Etudes sur Ie Japon et la Chine en hommage a Bernard Frank, ed. Jacqueline Pigeot and Hartmut 0 Rotermund. Arles: Philippe Picquier, 1997. Pp. 151-159. Mayo, Lewis. "The Order of Birds in Guiyi Jun Dunhuang./1 East Asian History 20 (2000): 1-60. Motsch, Monika. "Slow Poison or Magic Carpet: The Du Fu Translations by Erwin Ritter von Zach." In De ['un au multiple: Traductions du chinois vers les langues europeenes, ed. Viviane Alleton and Michael Lackner. Paris: La Maison des sciences de l'homme, 1999. Pp. 99-111. Rong Xinjiang and Zhang Guangda. "Concise History of the Turfan Oasis and Its Exploration." Asia Major 3rd sere 6.2 (1998): 13-36. 136 Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01) Schneider, Richard. ilLes copies de siitra defectueuses dans les manuscrits de Touen-houang." In De Dunhuang au fapon. Pp. 141-161. Sheng, Angela. "Woven Motifs in Turfan Silks: Chinese or Sogdian?" Orientations 30.4 (1999):45-52. "Innovations in Textile Techniques on China's Northwest Frontier, 500-700 AD." Asia Major 3rd ser. 6.2 (1998): 117-160. Shields, Anna M. "Gathering the 'Flowers' of Poetry and Song: An Analysis of Three Anthologies from the Late Tang and Shu." T'ang Studies 15-16 (1997-98): 1-39. Skaff, Jonathan Karam. "Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Silver Coins from Turfan: Their Relationship to International Trade and the Local Economy." Asia Major 3rd ser. 6.2 (1998): 67-115. Steinhardt, Nancy Shatzman. "The Uygur Ritual Complex in Beiting." Orientations 30.4 (1999):28-37. Wang Binghua. "New Finds in Turfan Archaeology-" Orientations 30.4 (1999): 58-64. Wolpert, Rembrandt F "Editing 'Tang-Music' for Posterity." In Ad Seres et Tungusos: Festschrift fur Martin Gimm, ed. Lutz Bieg et a1. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2000. Pp. 509-520. Xiong, Victor Xunrui. "The Land-Tenure System in Tang China: A Study of the Equal-field System and the Turfan Documents." T' oung Pao 85 (1999): 137 Bibliography Yamabe Nobuyoshi. "An Examination of the Mural Paintings of Toyok Cave 20 in Conjunction with the Origin of the Amitayus Visualization Sutra." Orientations 30.4(1999):38-44. Yamaguchi Zuih6. "The Fiction of Dar-ma"s Persecution of Buddhism." In De Dunhuang au Japon. Pp. 231-258. Zhang Guangda. "Les pieces officielles dans les manuscrits de Dunhuang et Turfan: Genre et structure-quelques clefs de lecture." In De Dunhuang au Japon. Pp. 179-201. Zhang Guangda and Rong Xinjiang. "'Concise History of the Turfan Oasis and Its Exploration." Asia Major 3rd ser. 6.2 (1998):13-36. Zhang Xushan. "'He Kina kaf to Byzantio: Scheseis" ernponon" arnoibai6es gnoseis apo tis arches tau 60u has ta mesa tou 70u ai6nos." Istoriogeographika 8 (1998):154-343. III. DISSERTATIONS Reprinted here are the full descriptive entries, with citation" from Dissertation Abstracts International. Entries are printed exactly as given in DAI, without TS editorial modification. Cartelli" Mary Anne. "'The Poetry of Mount Wutai: Chinese Buddhist Verse from Dunhuang." Columbia University, 1999.Pp. 285. Advisor: Robert Hymes. AAG9916862.DAI 60j01A, p. 135. This is a study of poems from the Dunhuang manuscripts about Mount Wutai, a sacred mountain of Chinese Buddhism and the center of a cult devoted to the bodhisattva Mafijusri. These works, from the Tang and Five Dynasties periods, reflect the transformation of the mountain into a Buddhist 138 Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01) paradise by the time of the Tang dynasty. They display motifs and themes previously unknown in Chinese poetry and provide important literary evidence for the study of the transformation of Chinese culture by Buddhism. The Mount Wutai poems take as their theme the Buddhist concept of transformation and manifestation: that buddhas and bodhisattvas can transform themselves and vary their manifestations at will according to the needs of individual beings . Their authors were probably Buddhist monks who lived on or made a pilgrimage to Mount Wutai. Although the poems utilize the Indian cosmology of the Buddhist scriptures, these events occur on Chinese soil and in the Chinese imagination . Thus the poems also demonstrate the syncretic nature of Chinese culture and the sinicization of Buddhism. Chapter One discusses the significance of Dunhuang and Dunhuang literature, along with the relationship between Dunhuang and Mount Wutai. Chapter Two introduces the early legends and history of Wutai, and its association with Mafijusri. This chapter also presents two early poems about the bodhisattva and the mountain. Chapters Three, Four, Five and Six each present a set of poems about Mount Wutai. Each compares the themes and imagery of these poems not only to the Avatamsaka, Lotus, Vimalakirti and AmitiWha sutras, but also to the records of Buddhist monks, such as the Gu qingliang zhuan, the Guang qingliang zhuan and Ennin's Nitta guho junrei gyo7ci. Chapter Seven assesses the place of these poems in the Chinese literary tradition by comparison of their themes and genres to those of better known poems. Appendix A presents the recurring motifs in the poems. Appendix B discusses the wall-painting of Mount Wutai from Dunhuang cave no. 61, and relates the motifs of the painting to the poems. 139 Bibliography Chan, Tim Wai Keung. "In Search of Jade: Studies of Early Tang Poetry." University of Colorado, 1999.Pp. 349. Advisor: Paul W. Kroll. AAG9925370.DAI 60/04A, p. 1139. This study focuses on the "court poetry" and other verse of the Early Tang (618-712),traditionally one of the most celebrated eras of decadent court poetry in China, and aims to present a more accurate and complicated picture of the literary arena of this period than has been given heretofore. The thesis contains ten chapters, divided into three parts, and three appendices. The first part deals with textual material and technical matters , focusing on the collecting of Early Tang poetry. Surveys of the extant poetry of this period are normally limited to "court poetry," which is traditionally viewed as the period style of the Early Tang. However, we must extend our view beyond these assumptions. Although the loss of Early Tang works cannot be redressed, tracing the procedure for collecting poems in other ages can lead us to a more reliable picture of the Early Tang literary arena. The second part focuses on the "Four Elites of the Early Tang." This part begins with a discussion of the "ethics of poetry ," a traditional Chinese view of literary criticism, that resulted in a denigration of these four writers. The discussion next concentrates on the notable lyricism of the standard ornate style. Autobiographical or egocentric poetry marks a significant discrepancy between "court poetry" and lyricism, two apparently antithetical concepts. Another focus of discussion is on the different modes of capital poetry, a genre in which these four writers excelled. The third part is a reevaluation of the role of Chen Ziang in the development of Early Tang poetry. Chen has long been considered an innovator, because he maintained that poetry should transmit Confucian morality. His thirty-eight "Ganyu" 140 T'ang Studies 18-19 (2000-01) poems and the preface to his "Lyric on the Long Bamboo" are the foci for reexamining his contribution to the renovation of Early Tang poetry. Appendices one through three include annotated translations of three capital poems by Luo Binwang and Wang Bo. Didier, John Calvin. "Way Transformation: Universe Unity in Warring States through Sung China. The 'Book of Transformation' ('Hua Shu') and the Renewal of Metaphysics in the Tenth Century ." Princeton University, 1998. Pp. 1159. Advisor: Ying-shih Yu. AAG9817028.DIA 58/11A, p. 4407. This dissertation centers on the Book of Transformation (Hua Shu), a work of metaphysical, socio-political, and internal alchemical theory first published in southern China in 930 A.D. The thesis includes three parts. Part I examines Chinese conceptions of universal unity through the thirteenth century A.D. "Universal unity" here includes metaphysical-physical, socio-politicat and doctrinal unities. Viewed from the unifying perspective of the metaphysics of hua (transformation), eight early seminal Taoistic and Confucian philosophical texts reveal their essential adherence to one metaphysical sub-structure that resurfaces again in Taoistic works-including the Hua Shu-of the eighth through eleventh centuries. This reinvigorated metaphysics exerted influence on later internal alchemical theories of self-cultivation and Sung Dynasty Neo-Confucian cosmogonies . The Hua Shu's own particular application of this metaphysics influenced both a significant syncretic lineage of Nan-tsung/ Ch'uan-chen Taoist alchemy and the NeoConfucian thinkers Chou Tun-yi, Shao Yung, and Chu Hsi. The Hua Shu infused into the resuscitated ancient metaphysical sub-structure the T'ang Dynasty (618-906A.D.) T'ien-t'ai Buddhist concept of the tathagata-garbha, the one unifying nature of the universe. Thus could the Hua Shu (1) achieve an 141 Bibliography absolute universal unity without negating the mundane, and (2) transmit this new conception to Chu Hsi through expression in classical Chinese terminology and thought structure. Part II consists of a complete and annotated translation of the HuaShu. Through biographical reconstructions and a textual history, Part III attempts to settle two controversies long surrounding the Hua Shu. First, three men, Sung Ch'i-ch'iu, T'an Ch'iao, and/or T'an Tzu-hsiao, have been identified historically as the book's author(s). Although Sung Ch'i-ch'iu first published the Hua Shu, Taoists have claimed that Sung stole the work from its rightful author, T'an Ch'iao. Furthermore, many have identified T'an Ch'iao with T'an Tzu-hsiao. I conclude that (1) T'an Ch'iao and T'an Tzu-hsiao almost certainly were two men, and (2) likely both T'an Ch'iao and Sung Ch'i-ch'iu wrote the Hua Shu: Having conceived of the book and its fundamental ideas himself, perhaps under Sung's patronage T'an Ch'iao then composed the essence of the book. Sung thereafter completed or edited it. Jia, Jinhua. "The Hongzhou School of Chan Buddhism and the Tang Literati." University of Colorado, 1999. Pp. 279. Advisor: Paul W. Kroll. AAI9955278.DAI 60/12A, p. 4474. .The Hongzhou school of Chan Buddhism, founded by Mazu Daoyi (709-88)in Tang China (618-907),is generally regarded as the beginning of "classical" Chan. After supplying a complete biography of Daoyi, I analyze Daoyi's core teaching that "ordinary mind is the Way" (pingchangxin shi dao), and point out that he transformed ontological Buddha-nature into substantial human mind, which is a mixture of good and evil, purity and defilement. He affirmed that an ordinary man is the Buddha, and that spontaneous daily life is enlightenment and liberation. He further applied the essence/function paradigm to asume that function is identical with Buddha-nature and 142 T' ang Studies 18-19 (2000-01) daily activities are all wonderful functions, so as to supply an ontological ground for his new doctrine. This is the most important reformation he brought to the Chan tradition and marks a humanistic turn in the development of Chinese Buddhism . Then I trace Daoyi's doctrinal background and assert that the Chan tradition can be described as a continuing development and transformation of the Indian TathagatagarbhalBuddha -nature theory. I also discuss the influence of various lines of early Chan, of the Tiantai and Huayan schools, and of traditional Chinese thought and religion. In addition, I explore the interaction between the Hongzhou school and the literati of the mid-Tang period who were associates or contemporaries of Daoyi and of his direct disciples. I first discuss a group of southern literati, who learned the Hongzhou doctrine early and helped to spread it. Then, I take the great poet Bai Juyi (772-846) as the most important figure for detailed analysis. Bai transformed the traditional idea of "eremitism in officialdom" (liyin) and put forward a new type of hermit, the "middling hermit" (zhongyin). The "middling hermit" implies the concept of selfcomforting , which was influenced by Daoyi's advocacy of an ordinary, unrestrained mind, and which fosters a psychological balance of the tension between individual freedom and political authority. Because of his encounter with Hongzhou thought, Bai's life and poetry were both changed. Finally, I study a group of leisurely poets in the eastern capital, who were all associated with Bai, and who demonstrate tendencies similar to those of Bai in their concept of values and styles of life and poetry. 143 Bibliography Lu, Yang. UDynasticRevival and Political Transformation in Late T'ang China: A Study of Emperor Hsien-tsung (805-820)and His Reign." Princeton University, 1999. Pp. 338. AAG992789. DAI 60/04A, p. 1277. This dissertation examines the political and institutional transformations which took place during the reign of Emperor Hsien-tsung (805-820)of the T'ang dynasty. It not only provides a new framework for the understanding of the significance of some of the most important political, economic, and institutional phenomena during this period but also a sympathetic and dynamic picture of the T'ang society in early ninth century. Chapter one focuses on major aspects of Hsien-tsung's life, especially his accession, his relationships with members of the imperial family, and the mystery of his death. It interprets the eunuch involvement in Hsien-tsung's accession and in the context of imperial legitimacy and the bureaucratization of the eunuch system in the early ninth century. This chapter also challenges the widely held view that the Wang Shu-wen clique was a reform group. Chapter two deals with the process of Hsien-tsung's restoration during the first half of his reign. It argues that Hsientsung and his court consciously developed a new provincial policy during this period and enforced this policy vigorously and consistently. It also discusses the T'ang court's response to the economic crisis caused by deflation and its relationship with Hsien-tsung's political restoration. Chapter three focuses on different aspects of T'ang policies during Li Chi-fu's terms as chief minister, including factionalism, the Wei-po incident, and frontier policy. It argues that Li Chi-fu's leadership was a key factor for the political stability and success under Hsientsung . 144 Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01) Chapter four studies the nature of the institutional transformations under Hsien-tsung. It challenges the notion that the rise of the eunuch power in later T'ang was a sign of political irrationality, and argues that the process of bureaucratizing the eunuch institutions was completed during the Yuan-ho era. Consequently, the eunuchs not only played a vital role in Hsien-tsung's political and military success, but also became less dependent on the imperial favor for career advancement. The very success of Hsien-tsung's institutional reforms increased the tension between the eunuchs and the emperor that eventually destroyed the political balance at T'ang court. McIntire, Jennifer Noering. "Visions of Paradise: Sui and Tang Buddhist Pure Land Representation at Dunhuang." Princeton University, 2000. Pp. 349. Advisor: Wen Fong. AAI9962031. DAI 61/02A, p. 403. The hope for rebirth in paradises became a powerful goal for many Chinese Buddhists in the sixth century. The practice of visualization, a meditative method to attain such rebirth, became increasingly popular as did artistic representations of Bududhist paradises. The growing interest in these paradises corresponded with the development of three-dimensional, illusionistic representation in Chinese pictoral art. At the Mogao complex near Dunhuang in northwest China there is a continuous visual record of Buddhist cave-temple decoration spanning the fifth through the thirteenth centuries. This dissertation explores and documents the complex relationships among figural, architectural, and landscape elements that together produce convincing three-dimensional, spatial representations. I propose that this development of illusionism in painting at Dunhuang was closely linked to the Buddhist meditative practice of visualization in which the practitioner mentally constructed an eidetic image of a specific object or scene. 145 Bibliography The pure land paintings at Dunhuang are also related to sutras that both describe the wonders of paradisiacal worlds and prescribe visualization practices. The changing conventions of these practices can be seen in concrete form in the paradise programs of the Sui and Early Tang cave-temples at Dunhuang . The rapid development of pictorial skills necessary to depict a spatial environment reflects an intention to present these paradises as both enticing and attainable as well as a significant alteration in the way visual perception was represented . Meyer, Andrew Seth. "The 'Correct Meaning of the Five Classics' and the Intellectual Foundations of the Tang." Harvard University , 1999. Pp. 322. Advisor: Peter K. Bol. AAG9936217. DAI 60/06A, p. 2177. The Correct Meaning of the Five Classics was a series of subcommentaries to the Confucian classics ordered by the Tang Emperor Taizong (r. 626-649C.E.) in 635 C.E. Here the Correct Meaning of the Five Classics shall be studied as a gauge of changing attitudes and values at the time of its production. It shall be argued that these changes in intellectual culture were instrumental in shaping the unique political and social conditions of the Tang empire. The Tang was preceded by a four-century long Period of Division (220-581C.E.). The ruling aristocracy of this era were radically demoralized and suspicious of central authority, imperial governments were weak and short-lived. This situation began to change in the late sixth century C.E., as did the tenor of Chinese intellectual culture. Leading thinkers emerged who reasserted the value of the Confucian classics and the possibility that they could be used to effect a harmonious and moral society. This trend reached full maturity during the Tang. Among the voluminous writings of Tang official scholarship, there is no 146 Tang Studies 18-19 (2000-01) better place to focus a search for the prevailing values and attitudes of the day than the Correct Meaning of the Five Classics. In reading the Correct Meaning, we see the founders of the Tang dynasty grappling with the issues that had daunted the intellectuals of the Period of Division. They confront the concepts and institutions their forebears had found contradictory or divisive, insisting that the interpretive schisms of the past might be reconciled and that the prescriptions of the classics made meaningful to the society of their own day. This dissertation examines the way in which these Tang scholars understood the classics, comparing and contrasting it with the work of their predecessors in the Period of Division. In the process, it will explore the contribution of these scholars to the establishment and endurance of the second great empire in Chinese history. Poceski, Mario. "The Hongzhou School of Chan Buddhism During the Mid-Tang Period." University of California, Los Angeles, 2000.Pp. 571.Advisor: Robert Buswell. AAI9976267.DAI 61/06A, p.2347. This study focuses on the formation of the Hongzhou School of Chan Buddhism, which dominated the Chan movement during the middle part of the Tang dynasty (618-907).I examine the historical context of the initial establishment of the Hongzhou School in the South in the aftermath of the An Lushan rebellion (755-763),its quick spread throughout most of the Tang empire during the following few decades, and its eventual emergence as the main tradition of Chan. In addition , I also explore the development of the Hongzhou School's doctrines, literary styles, modes of instruction, religious doctrines and practices, and attitudes towards monastic institutions . The dissertation refutes the widely-accepted view of the Hongzhou School as an iconoclastic tradition that represented a radically new departure from the beliefs and practices of earlier Chinese Buddhism. Instead, it argues that, in order to 147 Bibliography obtain a balanced understanding of the Hongzhou School's development and its significance in the history of Chinese Buddhism, we must carefully discern the subtle interplay between patterns of continuity and rupture with the previous Buddhist traditions that characterized its emergence as a distinct religious tradition. In Part One (Chapters One and Two), I start with a critical analysis of the relevant Chan literature, which examines the literary structure, contents, and origins of those Chan texts that are pertinent to the study of the Hongzhou School. In Part Two, which constitutes a study of the Hongzhou School's early history, I start with a comprehensive biography of its illustrious founder Mazu Daoyi (709-788)(Chapters Three and Four). That is followed by a broad survey of the Hongzhou School's spread from its base in Jiangxi throughout the southern provinces (Chapter Five), and eventually throughout most other parts of the Tang empire, including the two capitals (Chapter Six).In Part Three, I examine the Hongzhou School's religious doctrines and practices in relation to the broader contexts in which they were developed and enacted. The first part of this section deals with the main doctrinal tenets and methods of spiritual practice taught by Mazu, Baizhang, and other noted Chan teachers (Chapters Seven and Eight); the second part is primarily concerned with delineating the monastic context in which Hongzhou School's soteriological paradigms were actually instituted and disseminated (Chapters Nine and Ten). Woo, Tak-ling Terry. "Religious Ideals, Beliefsand Practices in the Lives of Women during the Reign of T'ang Ming Huang." University of Toronto, 2000, Pp. 243. Advisor: Richard Guisso. AAINQ49993 .DAI 61/06A, P 2348. This dissertation will examine the socio-Iegal parameters and the various religious attitudes that influenced the lives of 148 T'ang Studies 18-19 (2000-01) women during the times of Li Lung-chi. Contemporary religious teachings and practices, as well as the lives of women at court will be emphaiszed. Also of particular interest here is the divergence between the religious ideals and historical reality . This is, therefore, a very broad study of what the three main teachings, Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism conceived of as the nature of woman, what constituted a good or a bad woman, and what place and role a woman has in life and ritual . There will also be an analysis of the effects of certain women's failure to live up to an assigned set of ideals. For example , there will be some consideration of the aftermath of Wu Hou's use of Buddhism, followed by T'ai-p'ing Kung-chu and Yang Kuei-fei's use of Taoism. The approach in this dissertation is an eclectic one; it uses historical , philosophical and sociological perspectives. The intent is not to offer a comprehensive account; rather, the hope is to achieve two main objectives. First, to render a sketch of the dissonance between the ideals and the practices of the three teachings as represented in their doctrines and philosophies on the one hand, and the behaviour of professed believers like the imperial women and the popular expressions in contemporary religious beliefs and devotional practices on the other. Second, to examine how this dissonance, as reflected in the actions of particular women at court, might have affected the later interpretations and development of the teachings. Entire areas have, therefore, been omitted: for example, the ritual sections concerning women in the dynastic histories, Chen-yen (True Word or Esoteric) practices and their views on women, and the habits and accomplishments of courtesans. The two main approaches are historical and philosophical; sociological observations are built on them. Sources include dynastic and general histories, canonical and apocryphal Bud149 Bibliography dhist scriptures, moral and philosophical treatises, as well as popular literature. The limits imposed by the source materials will be obvious. Most of the data that is straightforward descriptions of women is limited to the imperial household, the court and the upper classes. Much of the information about the lives of ordinary women can only be inferred, and often unsatisfactorily , from popular literature and prescriptive treatises. In this way, this dissertation can only be an incomplete account of women and religion during the time of T'ang Ming Huang (Brilliant Emperor). Yang, Jidong. "Writing in the Tang: Literature and Society in 710th Century China." University of Pennsylvania, 2000. Pp. 275. Advisor: Victor H. Mair. AAI9989674.DAI 6l/l0A, p. 4135. The study of the social contexts and implications of traditional Chinese literature in the Tang period (618-907)is not a new trend. However, most scholarly attention has heretofore exclusively focused on the works of best known Tang writers. Little effort has been made to explain how literary writings became an inherent component of the basic structure of Tang society and contributed to the legitimization and consolidation of a certain social order. Using a variety of primary sources such as dynastic histories, anecdotes, epitaphs, literary compositions in various genres, and excavated medieval Chinese manuscripts, this dissertation attempts to systematically reconstruct the changing social contexts in which Tang literati grew, learned, communicated, and wrote to fulfill their social duties and to achieve social success. After observing the development of relevant industries and institutions, I propose that there was a cultural augmentation in the Tang period which was characterized by the significantly increasing availability and accessibility of writing materials, the expansion of educational institutions of various types cross the country, 150 Tang Studies 18~19(2000-01) and the rising level of public literacy. Meanwhile the format, language, and techniques of literary writing (wenzhang) in medieval Chinese terminology, had matured and been accepted by the entire elite class. As the demand for literary texts from every level of Tang society, including the family, local community, and state, was fast growing, literary writing became the most official and orthodox medium of textual communication. This in turn brought about a widespread obsession with literature among Tang literati and greatly influenced the invention and evolution of the Civil Service Examinations " induding both keju and quanxuan. By the end of the Tang dynasty, literary writing had finally replaced social pedigree as the most important means and measure of social success. In addition to providing an infrastructure of dealing with the relationship between literature and society, this dissertation investigates a number of related issues critical to a better understanding of medieval Chinese culture" such as the dichotomy of Confucian learning and literary writing, the curriculum of Tang schools, and the literary nature of government documents. Yang, Li. "On 'Yongcheng Ji Xian Lu': A Collection of Taoist Female Immortals' Biographies." Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. Pp. 142. Advisor: Chi-Tim Lai. AAI9984632. DAI 61j08A" p.3214. This thesis analyzes the Yongcheng Ji Xian Lu, the first Chinese collection of Taoist female immortals' biographies. Compiled by Du Guangting (850-933), it contained materials written between the second and tenth centuries. Based on a textual research and structural analysis of its three extant incomplete editions, the present author found that Du's collection consists of five parts, each representing different traditions of female immortals in Taoist history. Among there, two main streams are examined in detail. 151 Bibliography The first stream emerged from the Shang Qing school in the Six Dynasties (317-618)., in which a hierarchical structure of female immortals inspired Du Guangting in compiling Yongcheng Ji Xian Lu. Taking uYong Cheng" Palace as a symbol of the female immortal world, Du puts the Queen Mother of the West (Xi Wang Mu) in the position of supreme leader in this female kingdom. Simultaneously, Du also recognizes XiWang Mu as the cosmological progenitor of all female immortals. The main contribution of the Yongcheng Ji Xian Lu is thus to provide a separate systematization for female immortals. The second stream concerned women who were immortalized in the Tang Dynasty (618-907). Unlike the Shang Qing immortals , who existed only in the other world, these Tang women were all historical figures. By analyzing how these Taoist women maintained different roles and identities in their ordinary and religious lives, this study offers an insight into the cultural understanding of women's identities in both this and the other world, their roles within and beyond the Taoist community , and the different gender-related value judgments of Taoism and Confucianism. Based on the Chinese cosmology emphasizing the principle of yin and yang, Taoism provides a more positive view of women than other world religions. As Taoist women and Goddesses are a topic rarely studied, this research hopes to reveal some of the gender issues in world religions. 152 ...


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