The Chitarra Spagnola in Venice and the Veneto:Evidence from the Musical Sources
The vogue of the Spanish guitar, spread in central and southern Italy at the beginning of the seventeenth century, seems not to have reached Venice soon; among the many manuscripts that hand down the repertoires of that instrument, not even one was written there.
Among the mainland cities under Venetian rule, Verona was the most open to the political and cultural influence of the neighbouring states, the Holy Roman Empire to the north, and the Duchy of Mantua to the south; two manuscripts written and preserved there are testimony to the changes that the repertoires for guitar underwent during the century. They were written by two guitarists who probably earned their living from teaching; the first, Francesco Palumbi, was from central-southern Italy, while the author of the second (and more recent) manuscript, Stefano Pesori, resided in Verona, having deep links to the social environment of that city. The comparison of three copies in a music collection containing compositions by Pesori shows that he skillfully adapted each copy to please his dedicatees; a long list of his students, included in the items that make up the collection, testifies to his reputation as a teacher of the nobility of the city, and of the Venetian nobility as well.
Indeed, towards the end of the century the Venetian nobility was more open-minded towards the cultural attributes of Spain and the Empire; in significant correspondence with its greater openness towards those European powers, which influenced in a decisive way the politics of the Northern European principalities that in that period provided a financial contribution to La Serenissima for its war against the Turks.
La vogue de la guitare espagnole répandue dans le centre et le sud de l'Italie au début du XVIIe siècle ne semble pas avoir atteint immédiatement Venise; aucun des nombreux manuscrits qui transmettent les répertoires caractéristiques de cet instrument n'à été écrit dans cette ville.
Parmi les villes de domination vénitienne du continent, Vérone était la plus ouverte à l'influence politique et culturelle des États voisins, le Saint-Empire germanique au nord et le duché de Mantoue au sud; deux manuscrits écrits et conservés dans cette ville témoignent des changements subis par les répertoires pour guitare au cours du siècle. Ils ont été écrits par deux guitaristes qui ont probablement gagné leur vie en enseignant; le premier, Francesco Palumbi, venait du centre-sud de l'Italie, tandis que Stefano Pesori, auteur du deuxième (et plus recént) manuscrit, résidait à Vérone.
La comparaison de trois copies d'une collection de musique contenant des compositions de Pesori montre qu'il avait adroitement adapté chaque copie pour plaire à chaque dédicataire. Une longue liste de ses étudiants, inclus dans les feuilles qui composent la collection, témoigne de sa réputation en tant que professeur non seulement dans la noblesse de la ville, mais aussi dans la noblesse vénitienne. En effet, vers la fin du siècle, la noblesse vénitienne était progressivement plus ouverte aux attributs culturels de l'Espagne et de l'Empire, y compris la guitare espagnole et ses répertoires typiques; cela peut être lié à sa plus grande ouverture aux puissances européennes, qui ont eu une influence décisive sur la politique des principautés d'Europe du Nord, et qui pendant cette période ont apporté une contribution financière à La Serenissima pour sa guerre contre les Turcs.
Die modische Verbreitung der spanischen Gitarre zu Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts in Mittel- und Süditalien scheint Venedig nicht sofort erreicht zu haben. Nicht eines der vielen Manuskripte, die das charakteristische Repertoire dieses Instruments darstellen, wurde in Venedig geschrieben. Von den Städten unter venezianischer Festlandherrschaft war Verona am offensten für den politischen und kulturellen Einfluss seiner Nachbarn, vom nördlichen Heiligen Römischen Reich deutscher Nation bis zum südlichen Herzogtum Mantua. Zwei Manuskripte, die dort geschrieben wurden, sind bis heute erhalten und zeugen von den Veränderungen, die das Gitarrenrepertoire im Laufe des Jahrhunderts durchlaufen hat.
Sie wurden von zwei Gitarristen geschrieben, die wahrscheinlich ihren Lebensunterhalt durch Unterricht verdient haben. Der erste, Francesco Palumbi, stammte aus Süditalien, während der Autor des zweiten, neueren Manuskriptes, Stefano Pesori, in Verona lebte, wo er tief verwurzelt war.
Der Vergleich dreier Kopien aus einer Sammlung mit Musik von Pesori zeigt, dass er jede Kopie geschickt angepasst hat, um den jeweiligen Widmungsträger zu erfreuen. Eine lange Liste seiner Schüler, die der Sammlung zu entnehmen ist, bezeugt seinen Ruf als Lehrer nicht nur im Veroneser, sondern auch im venezianischen Adel.
Tatsächlich war der venezianische Adel gegen Ende des Jahrhunderts offener gegenüber den kulturellen Eigenheiten Spaniens und des deutschen Kaiserreiches geworden, die auch das Repertoire der spanischen Gitarrenmusik umfassten. Dies könnte auch mit seiner größeren Offenheit gegenüber jenen europäischen Mächten zusammenhängen, die tiefgreifenden Einfluss auf die Politik der Fürstentümer Nordeuropas hatten, welche ihrerseits einen finanziellen Beitrag für den Krieg der Serenissima gegen die Türken leisteten.
Evidence for the use of the chitarra spagnola in Venice is rare until the third decade of the seventeenth century1, when the prominent Venetian printing houses of Magni and Vincenti published a great number of collections of ariette for one or a few voices, with alfabeto notation—the typical notation for strummed guitar—included2.
Meanwhile, booklets consisting solely of alfabeto notation for the chitarra spagnola had already been published in southern and central Italy3, contributing to the rapid spread of this practise across Italy and abroad. [End Page 258]
No such booklet for solo strummed guitar had yet been printed by Venice's flourishing music printing houses4, and not even a single manuscript for solo chitarra spagnola of any kind (alfabeto or guitar tablature, arie with guitar alfabeto appended, etc.) has been found to have originated there5.
This is remarkable, given the city's eager adoption of other new musical fashions and genres from the peninsula and Europe as a whole. A similar case, the comparatively late introduction of the dramma per musica in Venice, can be explained by the fact that as a strictly princely genre it ran contrary to Venice's proud identity as a republic6.
There is some evidence of the use of the chitarra spagnola in Venetian private houses7, and some archival documentation of guitar players and teachers from southern Italy (particularly Naples and its territory, under Spanish rule at that time) residing in Venice8; however, until now, scholarly understanding of the early solo guitar repertoire in Venice has been suppositional, based on the frequent use of grounds and ostinatos in music by prominent Venetian composers (or by composers working or living in that city) such as Claudio Monteverdi, Giovanni Rovetta, Francesco Cavalli, and others.
Mid-to-late seventeenth-century Venetian composers of some rank used these ostinatos in various ways: sometimes to demonstrate their compositional prowess in creating variations on simple harmonic formulas, as Claudio Monteverdi did in his "Laetatus sum" (from Messa et salmi ), in which the early passacaglia I–IV–V–I ostinato bass formula9 is repeated 119 times in duple time, and thirty-four times in triple time; and [End Page 259] sometimes perhaps mockingly, as Giovanni Felice Sances10 did in his song "Usurpator tiranno", where the ciacona bass (a descending minor tetrachord), repeated fifty-one times, has been defined as "a parody of an amateur lute player venting his lovesickness in song"11.
The early repertoire of alfabeto solos, grounds, and dances for solo guitar was transmitted mainly through print and manuscript made or compiled in southern and central Italy—that is, in states and principalities controlled by Spain, the Austrian Empire, or the Papacy (at that time under Spanish and imperial influence); the ties between the Spanish state and the instrument bearing its name ("chitarra spagnola") seem to have been strong. Given that Venice, in the first decade of the seventeenth century, was deeply suspicious of Spanish political manoeuvring in the peninsula12, one might wonder whether that explains the unwillingness of Venetian noblemen (who kept a close eye on the city's printing houses)13 to allow the chitarra spagnola along with the associated printed sources common in other Italian centres14.
The Palumbi Manuscript in Verona
For evidence of the use of chitarra spagnola in the Venetian mainland territory in the very early years of the seventeenth century, we need to look at its border, whose links with the empire, or states controlled by the empire (e.g., the archduchy of Tyrol, Lombardy, under the rule of the Spanish Hapsburg governor, and the duchy of Mantua), although mostly undercover, were strong indeed.
Of cities under Venetian rule, Verona was one of the most closely tied to the Austrian Empire: to the north it bordered territory controlled by the empire, while to the south, territory bordered by the duchy of Mantua. As such, it therefore played a pivotal role as intermediary between those states. This role was expressed symbolically by the passage of the train of the Mantuan princesses (chosen more than once as brides of the Austrian Emperor) from Mantua to Vienna through Verona; symbolism aside, however, the duchy of Mantua remained strictly under the control of the empire15. Verona and Mantua—just fifty kilometers apart—enjoyed a strong, centuries-old economic, political, and cultural connection. [End Page 260]
In Verona still resides an important testimony to the early dissemination of the guitar solo alfabeto repertory: the manuscript Biblioteca Civica, ms. 330 16. Thanks to this Veronese manuscript, we know the name of an early compiler of many such manuscript sources, Francesco Palumbi. The manuscript bears no date17, and was written and dedicated to a member of the prominent Veronese family of the Canossa, the count Paolo Canossa18. Members of the same family are recorded in the Gonzaga archive at Mantua, as they had prominent positions at that court19, and were involved with the exchange of singers and actors between Verona, Venice, and Florence for festivities and special occasions20. Indeed, a "Count Canossa" was involved in the organisation of the 1608 festive celebration at the Gonzaga court21 when Monteverdi's Arianna, the prologue for L'Idropica, and the Ballo delle ingrate were performed22. [End Page 261]
Little evidence regarding Palumbi's musical activities in Verona or elsewhere has surfaced until now, but we can reasonably guess that the Palumbi Veronese manuscript was written in Verona, while its author was teaching the nobleman Paolo Canossa; indeed, Palumbi was probably one of many itinerant guitarist/composer/teachers from southern Italy seeking patronage in northern Italian courts23.
The content of the manuscript itself is closely akin to the above-mentioned printed or manuscript sources of alfabeto notation: it opens with the usual table of correspondence between the letters and chord-shapes (notated in Italian guitar tabulature)24; pages of simple "Passacaglie" (i.e., harmonic successions I–IV–V–V, transposed into various keys) follow immediately; next are the usual dances and grounds: "Ruggiero" (ff. 5r–6r), "Sarabanda" (f. 7r), "Folia" (ff. 7v–9v), "Romanesca" (ff. 10r–11v), "Ballo del Grand Duca", "Rotta del Ballo del Gran Duca" (f. 12rv), etc25.
A long section that follows is devoted to poetical texts clearly meant to be sung, as each line of the text is superimposed with alfabeto symbols; no music is provided for the melody line, so we can only guess that they were sung to a traditional aria26. This is very common, and can be seen in a number of other manuscripts (both Spanish and Italian); few of these arie have been recognised in printed or manuscript sources27, and consequently it is impossible to transcribe or even reconstruct the respective aria to the vast majority of these poems. After this comes a shorter but noteworthy section devoted to short poems in Spanish28; here too, although no melodic line is provided, the superimposed [End Page 262] guitar alfabeto letters clearly indicate that the text was meant to be sung to a previously memorised aria29.
Poems in Sicilian and Spanish languages are fairly common in such manuscript sources, even in distinctly Italian ones30; however, this feature was probably distinctive enough for the most distinguished Venetian noblemen—fiercely opposed to any mixture of Venetian and Spanish culture (not to mention politics)—to ban such manuscripts from their private libraries.
The Palumbi Veronese manuscript does betray links with the Venetian musical environment: it contains a "Madrigale | fatto per il Cabrielli, organista di San Marco di Venetia"31; presumably this is Giovanni Gabrieli, the younger member of the family of musicians of that name. There is no way of knowing if he was still living at the time of compiling of the manuscript (he died in 1612); indeed his fame was great enough for his compositions to be copied posthumously. Moreover, while he never resided permanently in Verona, personal links and contacts are suggested by some of his compositions in manuscript made for Veronese institutions, such as the renowned Accademia Filarmonica32.
There is only one other attribution contained in this manuscript, a "Madrigale di Gioseppino | di Roma Musico"33; the author has been identified with Giuseppe Cenci, a musician active in Rome34, author of at least one other piece transcribed in another of the Palumbi manuscripts35. Another piece bears the inscription "Madrigal del Marini"36; this probably refers to the celebrated Neapolitan poet Giovanni Battista Marino, rather than the composer of that name37. [End Page 263]
The Pesori Veronese Manuscript
While the high point of the chitarra spagnola fashion in Italy occurred in the early decades of the seventeenth century, both printed and manuscript sources indicate that the instrument and the associated repertoires were in use until the end of the century and beyond, albeit with some changes38; e.g., the alfabeto notation that typified the early-seventeenth-century sources subsided slowly39, while other notations, such as the mixed notation (incorporating both tablature and alfabeto) and the "French" tablature, came more and more to the fore40.
By contrast to the earlier guitarist/composer/teachers, who travelled from south to north within the Italian peninsula in search of students and patronage, the guitarists and guitar teachers active in the latter part of the century tended to seek a more permanent residence; indeed, some, such as Francesco Corbetta and Pietro Reggio, went so far in their pursuit of stability as to travel to foreign courts or to seek patronage in other countries, places where the guitar's popularity lasted into the next century41. At the same time, in provincial musical environments such as Verona, the guitar also remained a fashionable instrument up through the last decades of that century, enabling the guitarist–teacher to find pupils and patrons while permanently based in that same city; this is well documented by the figure of Stefano Pesori, whose patrons included both Veronese nobility and Venetian noblemen sent to Verona to rule42. Pesori's Mantuan origin43 does not seem to have tempted him to leave his adoptive city in search of Mantuan employment.
Pesori's Veronese manuscript44, probably autograph45, is less comprehensive than the Palumbi manuscript, being a rather short and loose anthology of little pieces; these are [End Page 264] mostly similar to those contained in his printed collections, but the manuscript also contains some dances and grounds resembling those in the Palumbi manuscript(s)in slightly elaborated versions46. Indeed, these grounds and ostinatos function sometimes as a sort of alfabeto framework for rather awkward plucked additions by Pesori, demonstrating the overall notational shift in the repertoire at large towards mixed notation. Thus, this manuscript may be considered as a link to the early notation, as well as demonstrating a pedagogical purpose, in distinction to his more ambitious printed collections.
The manuscript is dedicated to a member of a Veronese noble family, the Gianfilippis47; the frontispiece reads «TOCCATE DI | CHITARRIGLIA | DEDICATE AL | MERITO | DEL SIGNOR | FILIPPO | GIANFELIPPI», but the name of the dedicatee was later modified to «Francesco»; both of those Veronese noblemen were prominent members of that family, residing in Verona in the early to middle decades of the seventeenth century48.
In this manuscript source, as well as in his printed collections, Pesori freely used many aspects of the musical notation for Spanish guitar known in his day: mixed tablature notation for the more extended solo guitar pieces; alfabeto notation, with strokes for rhythm, for the simple grounds and dances; and alfabeto notation above text lines (like the relevant sections of the Palumbi manuscripts) for the short arias51. However, all these notations are imprecise and sometimes actually faulty, so that it is not possible to transcribe his pieces with any degree of certainty52. [End Page 265]
Pesori's Printed Collections: Comparison of Existing Copies
Pesori's printed collections are preserved in only a few copies spread across a number of different libraries both in Italy and abroad, so it is difficult to confirm their identity, and the degree of their correspondence53.
In a list of noblemen appended to one of Pesori's printed collections54, he gave priority to the names of Venetian governors of Verona at that time, while his most true, immediate Veronese patrons (Bevilacqua, Carlotti, Gherardini, Giusti, Nogarola, Pompei, Sagra-moso) follow.
A comparison of three copies of this collection, Toccate di chitarriglia … Parte terza (ca. 1660)55, namely those preserved in the Sibley Library at the University of Rochester (RISM sigla US-R)56, in the Newberry Library of Chicago (RISM sigla US-Cn)57, and in the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana in Venice (RISM sigla I-Vnm)58 is revealing. Even if one takes into account the fact that the online copies supplied by the two American libraries are faulty59, the differences are so obvious that it is difficult to consider them the same edition, and they are definitely not from the same print run60.
The same frontispiece appears to have been used for both, with the replacement of some characters to change the dedicatee: «Signor Conte GIAMBATISTA MUCIO» in US-R becomes «Illustrissimo Signor Co. | FRANCESCO GEREMIA | Nobile dell'Antiche Case della Dalmatia, al servitio della Serenis-|sima Republica di Venetia, Colonello, è suo Condotto ulti-|mamente Condutiere dell'Armi di Corfù, e di Legnago» in US-Cn, and «SIGNOR | CESARE NENCINI | Da Pistoia, | Governatore in Cavaleria | PER LA SERENISSIMA REPUBLICA VENETA» in the Marciana exemplar. While the dedicatory letter is generic enough to adapt itself to any of the three dedicatees, the dedicatory sonnet that follows is different, to suit the different activities and prerogatives of each nobleman61. Many of [End Page 266] the folios that follow are arranged differently in each copy62: the "A chi legge" section is lacking in the US-R and US-Cn copies63; the page containing the piece «La Muselli Corrente. | Dedicata all'Illustrissimo signor Il signor Giacomo Muselli, dell'Illustrissimo | signor Christoforo Muselli» is in the US-Cn and Marciana copies only, but arranged differently in the fascicle64, and there are many other similar variances65. Some manuscript notes in the Marciana copy, at the bottom of the frontispiece and the Pesori portrait66 testify that the booklet was the property of the noble Lisci family from Volterra67. Another annotation in the frontispiece points to one «Stefano Maffei», probably a member of the noble Volterran family of the same name (by the way, another—and quite important—branch of the Maffei family resided in Verona); members of both families were active in a local academy, the Accademia dei Sepolti68. The Marciana copy was possibly owned by the dedicatee's family, the Nencini in Pistoia (a town not far from Volterra)69, and passed afterward in the property of the private library of the Lisci family in Volterra. However, it may have been owned by the Lisci family from the very beginning, and perhaps used in the musical activities of the above-mentioned academy in Volterra.
The paper making up the Pesori collections were evidently printed at various stages of his musical career and arranged differently in each copy, so that each dedicatee was left with the impression that it was a unique print, dedicated expressly to him; the pieces may also have been chosen and arranged from among Pesori's older compositions to suit the individual's taste or musical skills70. Due to this arrangement, any attempt to date each copy with precision is difficult71. In addition, the musical notation in general is corrupt; [End Page 267] whether Pesori, a copyist, or the engraver is to blame, any attempt to transcribe the pieces while strictly following the indicated rhythmic values quickly becomes fruitless72.
Even where the musical content is legible, its quality does not rise to the level of the elaborate engraving of the collection housing it73; sadly, the many hyperboles in the encomiastic texts remain unjustified.
All in all, the lasting interest of Pesori's collections consist in their historical value, as documentation of the continuing widespread musical fashion and practice of the chitarra spagnola and its repertories in the Venetian territory, and of the changes that they underwent, well after the turn of the middle of the seventeenth century.
It is quite improbable that the Venetian government feared that the Spanish guitar and its repertories were political, directly dangerous for the state security; but surely they noticed that the instrument and repertories were often associated with the nobility of the cities on the mainland (heavily influenced by the empire), and the Venetian social class that was considered equivalent to it by that same government, i.e., the Venetian middle class, the "cittadini originari" (who strove, sometimes dangerously, by pushing and shoving, to raise their status to that of the nobility). However, at the very least, La Serenissima (as Venice was known) feared the social instability that would spring up from a broad diffusion of such cultural devices, so dear to all these potential spagnolizanti ("Spaniolizing")74. By the end of the century, the Venetian state's political relationship with Spain and the Empire was on the mend (Venice even received financial and military aid from northern European imperial principalities), and the "chitarra spagnola" had lost its symbolic nature75, as it had found its place in the social-musical hierarchy; from thereon the Venetian nobility allowed not only its circulation, but also practiced it, and even valued it highly, as Pesori's case easily demonstrates. [End Page 268]
Paolo Alberto Rismondo completed musical studies at the Conservatory of Ferrara (1988) and Padua (1992); he earned his laurea in Performing Arts at the University of Bologna (1991). His research focuses on late sixteenth-century and seventeenth-century Venetian music and musicians (Giovanni Rovetta, Francesco Cavalli, Giovanni Felice Sances, and others). He has written books about Massimiliano Neri and Francesco Cavalli, and has edited modern editions of the collections Sacra corona (Venice, 1656) and Arie a voce sola (Venice, 1656), in the Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era series (Middleton: A-R Editions, 2015 and 2018). He has also published articles (in Rivista Internazionale di Musica Sacra and Recercare) and entries for the Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani and the Bayerisches Musiklexikon Online.
The author wishes to thanks the personnel of the Biblioteca Civica in Verona and the Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana in Venice for their kind assistance during work in their institutions, to Gary R. Boye for his suggestions and advice about Pesori, and to Alexander Dean for the translation.
1. Some beautiful examples of guitars created by luthiers working in Venice survive. However, all these makers—such as Pietro Railich, Giorgio I Sellas (Seelos), and Magno Stegher (Steger)—originated from the Tyrol territory, which at that time was part of the archduchy based in Graz, and controlled by the Austrian Empire; this is probably not a coincidence; see Stefano Toffolo, Antichi strumenti veneziani, 1500–1800: Quattro secoli di liuteria e cembalaria. Techné, 4 (Venezia: Arsenale, 1987): 70–71, 73–77, 87.
2. Useful tools for research on printed and manuscript sources of the arie repertory are the lists given in Roark Thurston Miller, "The Composers of San Marco and Santo Stefano and the Development of Venetian Monody (to 1630)" (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1993); Silke Leopold, Al modo d'Orfeo: Dichtung und Musik im italienischen Sologesang des frühen 17. Jahrhunderts (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 1995); Cory Michael Gavito, "The Alfabeto Song in Print, 1610–ca. 1665: Neapolitan Roots, Roman Codification, and "il gusto popolare"" (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas at Austin, 2006), http://legacy.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2006/gavitoc11533/gavitoc11533.pdf, accessed 15 October 2018; and Alexander Dean, "The Five-Course Guitar and Seventeenth-Century Harmony: Alfabeto and Italian Song" (Ph.D. diss., University of Rochester, 2009), https://urresearch.rochester.edu/institutionalPublicationPublicView.action?institutionalItemId=10524, accessed 15 October 2018.
3. These sources are listed in James Tyler and Paul Sparks, The Guitar and its Music: From the Renaissance to the Classical Era (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), 85–87; some printed sources are described in detail in Gary R. Boye, ed., Music for the Lute, Guitar, and Vihuela (1470–1799), http://applications.library.appstate.edu/music/lute/home.html, accessed 15 October 2018; and Music for the Baroque Guitar, http://applications.library.appstate.edu/music/guitar/home.html, accessed 15 October 2018. An extensive and useful anthology of transcriptions from these manuscripts and other sources with commentary (in four volumes, each devoted to the four dance rhythms quoted in the title), is Richard Hudson, The Folia, the Saraband, the Passacaglia and the Chaconne: The Historical Evolution of Four Forms that Originated in Music for the Five-course Spanish Guitar (Neuhauser–Stuttgart: American Institute of Musicology-Hanssler, 1982).
4. While the first Italian chitarra spagnola alfabeto publication, the well-known Nuova inventione d'intavolatura per sonare li balletti sopra la chitarra spagnuola senza numeri e note by Girolamo Montesardo (properly Melcarne) was published in Florence in 1606, the first such collections published in Venice were those by Lodovico Monte (ca. 1625), Pietro Milioni (1627), and Giovanni Battista Abatessa (1627); however, some of these editions (perhaps all of them, as the originals may have been lost) were pirated by their obscure Venetian printers (Francesco Vieceri, Giacomo Bortolli, and Giacomo Zini) from previous booklets published by southern and central Italian editors some years before; see Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and its Music: 62, 86, 87; Gary Boye. "The Case of the Purloined Letter Tablature: The Seventeenth-Century Guitar Books of Foriano Pico and Pietro Millioni", Journal of Seventeenth-Century Music 11, no. 1 (2005), https://sscm-jscm.org/v11/no1/boye.html, and the same author's Web page on Abatessa tablature, that would be published by «Stampa del Gardano […] Apresso Bartholomeo Magni» in 1627, http://applications.library.appstate.edu/music/guitar/1627abatessa.html, both accessed 15 October 2018.
5. The manuscript Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, ms. it. cl. IV, 1910 (=11701), is perhaps related to the Palumbi Verona manuscript described below, since it shares with it a great number of pieces; however, it was acquired after 1894 from a private library in Rome, and donated by the Italian Ministery of Culture in 1929 to the Marciana library (as is stated in a cartouche pasted to the back of the cover); see Warren Kirkendale, L'Aria di Fiorenza, id est Il ballo del Gran Duca (Florence: Olschki, 1972), 83, and Annibale Tenneroni, Catalogo ragionato dei manoscritti appartenuti al fu Conte Giacomo Manzoni, Ministro della Repubblica Romana, quarta parte (Città di Castello 1894), 143–44, no. 158. I have found no information on other manuscripts of (real or presumed) Venetian provenance.
6. A study devoted to this issue is in preparation by the present writer.
7. See Rismondo, ed., Arie a voce sola, xx n. 97; Beth L. Glixon and Jonathan Glixon, Inventing the Business of Opera: The Impresario and his World in Seventeenth-Century Venice (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 42, at note 30.
8. I cover this topic in a forthcoming article; in it I will also give any further biographical indications available about the figures cited here and in the following, omitted here due to the primary bibliographical character of this study.
9. This very same harmonic formula (alfabeto chords A–B–C–A) opens the Palumbi Veronese manuscript (and a number of other chitarra spagnola sources), i.e., the very first passacaglia (see below), f. 4, first line.
10. Sances was member of the musical chapel of San Marco at least from 1626 to 1636; see the entry "SANCES (Sanci, Sonzi, Sonci, Sanchez) Giovanni Felice" in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, 90 (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 2017): 130–33, by the present writer.
11. Margaret Murata, "Guitar passacagli and vocal arie", in La monodia in Toscana alle soglie del XVII secolo, ed. Francesca Menchelli Buttini (Pisa: ETS, 2007), 81–116, at 116 n. 48.
12. About anti-Spanish political sentiment in Venice, which even affected the public, see Hugh Trevor-Roper. 'Spain and Europe, 1598–1621', in New Cambridge Modern History, 4 ('The Decline of Spain and the Thirty Years War 1609-48/59'), ed. J.P. Cooper (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971): 260–282, especially 273–276; on consequences of this political crisis on musical matters see Paolo Alberto Rismondo, 'Giovanni Rovetta, "uno spirito quasi divino, tutto lume in nere et acute note espresso"', Recercare, 28/1–2 (2016): 121–73, at 138–39.
13. Regarding the relationship of the two most important music publishers in Venice, Vincenti and GardanoMagni, with the upper echelons of the Venetian nobility, see Rismondo, ed., Arie a voce sola, xiv on Vincentis; and Rismondo, ed., Sacra Corona (Venice, 1656), xvi for the Gardano-Magni.
14. Indeed, the above-mentioned archival documentation – omitted here – shows that the southern Italian guitar players and teachers active in Venice were regarded with suspicion by the Venetian government.
15. See Susan Parisi, 'New Documents Concerning Monteverdi's Relations with the Gonzagas', in Claudio Monteverdi – studi e prospettive, ed. Paola Besutti, Teresa M. Gialdroni, and Rodolfo Baroncini, Accademia Nazionale Virgiliana di Scienze, Lettere e Arti, miscellanea; 5 (Florence: Olschki, 1998), 477–511, at note 61, and bibliography cited there.
16. The manuscript is succinctly described in Giuseppe Biadego, Catalogo descrittivo dei manoscritti della Biblioteca Comunale di Verona (Verona: Tip. Civelli, 1892), 210; it is simply bound in cardboard, and measures mm. 247 x 180–83; it is in very good condition, and seems to have reached the present time virtually unaltered. The grounds, dances, and pieces are notated on ff. 3r–180r (modern numbering in pencil, approx. every five folios, i.e., folios 3r, 5r, 10r, 15r etc.), written on recto and verso; but ff. 3v, 32v, 105r, 118v–121r, 167v are blank (mostly they correspond to the end of a section; see below); after blank folios 180v–182v, the index of the textual incipits follows (ff. 183r–188v). Another manuscript inscribed with Pesori's name is Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS Espanol 390 (more about this manuscript is in my above-mentioned forthcoming article); thanks to the inscription on these two manuscripts, and the distinctive calligraphic appearance of their writing, it was possible to identify some other manuscripts in his hand in other European libraries; they are listed in Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and its Music, 78–80. Indeed, the very fact that four of Palumbi's manuscripts are preserved in Florence's libraries may lead one to suspect that Palumbi was residing in that city for some time, or at least had some strong link with it (see also the following note).
17. The dating of Palumbi's manuscripts is somewhat controversial; the previous early dating, ca. 1595, was corrected to a later dating (ca. 1600–20) by later studies; see Musik in Gechichte und Gegenwart, Sachteil 3 (Kassel [etc.]: Barenreiter, 1995), col. 1350, and Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and its Music, 80. The watermarks detected in the Veronese manuscript (lamb in a circle) seems to be related to those produced by paper mills in Florence in the late sixteeenth century; see Edward Heawood, Watermarks mainly of the 17th and 18th centuries, Monumenta chartae papyraceae historiam illustrantia, 1 (Hilversum: The Paper Publications Society, 1950), plate 357, n° 2784, and p. 126; and Gerhard Piccard, Wasserzeichen, 15: Verschiedene Vierfussler (Stuttgart: W. Kohl hammer, 1987), 305 no. 1723.
18. The frontispiece reads «LIBRO DEL ILL.MO CONTE | PAULO CANOSSI – VERONESE | [coats of arms of Canossa family] | FRAN.CO PALUMBI MAESTRO | DI CHITARRA». It seems possible to identify him with a nobleman by that name, cited in Veronese archival documentation in 1632 and 1671 (he appears to have died sometime around the latter date).
19. Documentary evidence about that will be given in the above-mentioned study from the present writer.
20. Valuable information is provided by the site 'Mantova capitale dello spettacolo', http://www.capitalespettacolo.it/ita/ric_gen.asp (accessed 15 October 2018): in 1604 count Galeazzo Canossa informed the Mantuan duke that in Venice there was a proficient Polish eunuch singer who would gladly enter the duke's service; however, his financial requirements were too high; see his two letters in Mantua State Archive, Archivio Gonzaga, b. 1536, fasc. III, cc. 385–386, from Venice, 25.3.1604; id., cc. 413–414, from Venice, 10.4.1604; and the one by the Veronese count Bevilacqua, id., cc. 509–510, from Venice, 9.6.1604. In 1609 Giovan Tommaso Canossa asked for a singer, Giovanni Battista 'castratino', for the annual feast at the Verona Cathedral, held annually on the first of May (Mantua, State Archive, Archivio Gonzaga, b. 1541, c. 288, letter from Giovan Tommaso Canossa to [Cardinal Gonzaga], Verona 25.4.1609). Some years later, the same Giovanni Tommaso Canossa thanked the Florentine court for the license to a comedian's company, the Comici Confidenti, protected by Giovanni de' Medici, to perform in Verona, and noted that they did so to the full satisfaction of the Veronese nobility, to such an extent that he asked for a renewal of the license until the next Easter performances (Florence, State Archive, Mediceo del Principato, filza 5136, c. 702, Giovan Tommaso Canossa to Giovanni de' Medici, Verona, 25.10.1620).
21. Probably the same count Giovanni Tommaso Canossa cited in the previous note; see Mantua State Archive, Archivio Gonzaga, b. 2711, fasc. 6, doc. 4, letter from Alessandro Striggio, Mantua, 22.4.1608, and id., doc. 6, by the same, from Mantua 1.5.1608.
22. See Paolo Fabbri, Monteverdi, trans. Tim Carter (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 77–99.
23. See Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and its Music, 78–79.
24. When compared to the table annexed to the first Italian chitarra spagnola alfabeto publication, Montesardo's above-mentioned Nuova inventione d'intavolatura, it shows only comparatively minor differences: in Palumbi the 'A' chord-letter is '2/3/0/3/3', the 'T' letter-chord is '3/5/5/5/0', and the 'V' letter-chord is '4/4/3/2/2'; those same letters-chords are respectively '2/0/0/3/3', '4/2/2/2/5', and '4/4/2/2/2' in the Monte -sardo table, reproduced in facsimile in https://monicahall2.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/3-montesardo.pdf (accessed 15 October 2018), p. 2, and transcribed by Gary R. Boye in his web page devoted to Montesardo's collection, http://applications.library.appstate.edu/music/guitar/1606montesardo.html (accessed 15 October 2018); Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and its Music, 40, ex. 5.1, gives an edited transcription – with 'tuning and stringing without bourdons'.
25. They can be usefully compared with other similar MSS., e.g., Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, ms. it. cl. IV 1910 (=11701), respectively at ff. 7v–8r, 9v, 6r–7r, 14r–15r, 10v–11r ('Ballo di Palazzo' e 'Rotta del Ballo di Palazzo'). A facsimile of f. 17v of the Palumbi manuscript in Verona is in Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and its Music, 79.
26. Ms. cit., ff. 33r–118r; the texts are numbered 1 to 175; some examples of this notation from other manuscripts are in Alexander Dean, 'Strumming in the Void: A New Look at the Guitar and Rhythm in Early 17thcentury Canzonettas', Early music, 42 (2014): 55–72: 57, ex. 2; idem, ' "Ecco l'alma mia bella": Alfabeto and Oral Practices in Seventeenth-century Italian Song', Recercare, 22 (2011): 81–109: 85, fig. 1.
27. See for example Dean's articles, "'Ecco l'alma mia bella'", and 'Strumming in the Void'. In this latter article the author identifies some compositions from a Florentine manuscript, Cherubini Conservatory, C.F. 108 (olim MS B 2556) – now identified as a manuscript written also by Palumbi–, with short arie in collections by Giovanni Stefani, Giovanni Ghizzolo, and Pietro Paolo Sabbatini, pointing out some valuable differences between these two versions. For other studies on correspondences between alfabeto texts and notated melodies, see Silke Leopold, 'Remigio Romano's Collections of Lyrics for Music', Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association, 110 (1983): 45–61; Roark Miller, 'New Information on the Chronology of Venetian Monody: The "Raccolte" of Remigio Romano', Music & Letters, 77 (1996): 22–33; and Cory M. Gavito, ' "Quasi industre giardiniero": Giovanni Stefani's Amorosi Anthologies and Their Concordant Sources,' Journal of Musicology, 33 (2016): 522–68.
28. See María Teresa Cacho, 'Manuscritos espanoles en la Biblioteca Civica de Verona', Quaderni di lingue e letterature, 18 (1993): 211–23; Andrea Zinato, 'Del cancionero de corte al cancionero burgués: el caso de Nápoles, Milán y Venecia', Revista de poética medieval, 28 (2014): 393–412, at 408–10.
29. Ms. cit., ff. 122r–169r; the section is preceded by three white folios, and the short poetical text are numbered – just as were the preceding Italian texts – 1 to 95.
30. Daniel Zuluaga, 'Spanish song, chitarra alla spagnola, and the a.bi.ci: Matheo Bezón and his 1599 alfa-beto songbook', Resonance – Interdisciplinary Music Journal, 2013, http://www.resonancejournal.org/archive/spr-2013/spanish-song-chitarra-alla-spagnola-and-the-a-bi-ci-matheo-bezon-and-his-1599-alfabeto-songbook/ (accessed 15 October 2018), noted that in the manuscript he studied (private library of Rodrigo de Zayas in Seville, E Szayas A.IV.8, known as the Cancionero de Matheo Bezón), there are twenty-two Spanish texts, only four Italian texts, two in Spanish-Italian mixture, and one in Latin.
31. 'Se di qualche pallore natura t'ha dipinto', at f. 109r. Prof. Richard Charteris excluded any connection of the piece from the Palumbi Veronese manuscript with the extant works (published or in manuscript) by Giovanni Gabrieli (personal communication, 19 May 2018).
32. Two pieces by Giovanni Gabrieli are transmitted solely by unique sources in two libraries in Verona: Accademia Filarmonica library ms. 220 (a musical collection, Il primo lauro, devised to honour the marriage of the noted singer Laura Peverara with the Veronese nobleman Annibale Turco, feb. 1583) contains the two parts ("Quando Laura" and "Queste furon bellezz'et honestate") of a madrigal for five voices; Biblioteca Capitolare, Cod. MCXXVIII contains the original version for four unnamed instrumental parts, of the piece later published in an arrangement for lute solo, Fantasia in modo di Canzon francese; see Richard Charteris. Giovanni Gabrieli (ca. 1555-1612): a thematic catalogue of his music with a guide to the source materials and translations of his vocal texts. Thematic catalogues; 20 (Stuyvesant (N. Y.): Pendragon press, ): 164–166 (C106–107, madrigal), 261 (C.194, Fantasia); the two sources are described at p. 421.
33. 'Alma afflitta, che fai?', ff. 107v–108r.
34. See John Walter Hill, 'Cenci, Giuseppe ['Giuseppino']', in The New Grove of Music and Musicians, 5 (London: Macmillan, 2001): 351–352.
35. 'Fuggi, fuggi da questo cielo'; see Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and its Music, 55.
36. 'Ladro mi chiami, ahi ladra', f. 108v in the ms. cited.
37. No piece with that textual incipit is to be found in the works by Biagio Marini; see Oscar Mischiati, Bibliografia delle opere dei musicisti bresciani pubblicate a stampa dal 1497 al 1740, ed. Mariella Sala and Ernesto Meli (Florence: Olschki, 1992), II: 607–41. Indeed, the same text with almost identical alfabeto notation, labeled 'Madrigale del Marino', is in the above-mentioned Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, ms. it. cl. IV, 1910 (=11701), f. 47r.
38. The gradual transformation of the repertoire is sketched in Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and its Music, 49–50.
39. While Millioni and Monte's early alfabeto booklets were reprinted many times through the century, until as late as 1737 (see Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and its Music, 62), it appears that professional guitarists increasingly preferred more and more the 'mixed' tablature notation.
40. See the description of this notational style Gary R. Boye, ed., List of Mixed Style Tablatures, https://applications.library.appstate.edu/music/guitar/mixed.html, accessed 15 October 2018. Pietro Reggio's realisation of the continuo of arias by Cavalli, Barbara Strozzi, Lucio, and other composers (Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and its Music, 122–23; Rismondo, ed., Arie a voce sola, xv, 65–69), even if notated with French guitar tablature, alternates punteado passages with chords to be performed rasgueado or battuto, clearly modelled after the alfabeto forms; see Rismondo, ed., Arie a voce sola, xxiii, n. 133 (I thank prof. Lex Eisenhardt for this perceptive observation).
41. In other countries the guitar stayed in fashion much later: see, e.g., Christopher Page, The Guitar in Stuart England – A Social and Musical History (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 1–14.
42. Documentation about him was found in parish and public archives in Verona; see Stefano Pesori, I concerti armonici di chitarriglia, ed. Carla Tessari, Antiquae musicae Italicae scriptores Veronenses, 8 (Verona: AMIS, 1994), 5–8.
43. His Mantuan origin is well documented in his printed collections: e.g., in his Toccate di chitarriglia (un-numbered page, at p. 33 of the Newberry facsimile cited here below), he styled himself as 'Stefano Pesori mantovano' in a list of his preceding musical prints. In his printed collection Lo scrigno armonico. Opera seconda, a fictitious letter from him bears the signature 'Di Mantoa il 23 luglio 1640' and hints at a return to his 'Patria'; evidently, while he was residing in Verona, he maintained some connection with the musical and aristocratic circles of his native city. See also Erica Salomoni, 'Verona 1650: Stefano Pesori e la chitarra alla moda', Quaderni di musicologia dell'Università degli studi di Verona, 3 (2010): 17–48, at 21.
44. Verona, Biblioteca Comunale, shelf mark 334 ; see Biadego, Catalogo descrittivo, 211. The manuscript is briefly described in RISM B/VII: Wolfgang Bötticher, ed. Handschriftlich überlieferte Lauten- und Gitar-rentabulaturen des 15. bis 18. Jahrhunderts (Munich: Henle, 1978): 339–40. A specific study is Salomoni, 'Verona 1650'; indeed the manuscript bears the date 'Ver[ona] 1650' in an inscription appended later (just after Pesori's subscription to the dedicatory letter, f. [without number]) in a different hand.
45. However, it seems to match the hand displayed by his chalcographic prints (see below); indeed, the very fact that Pesori's manuscript contains much of the very same material of his printed collections, affected by the very same faults and infelicities detected in them, seems to reinforce the supposition that both, the manuscript and the prints, are indeed autograph by Pesori.
46. Compare the passacaglias written at the beginning of both manuscripts (f. 4rv in Palumbi ms., vs. f. [1r] in Pesori ms.), the ciacconas (f. 24v in Palumbi ms., vs. f. 2r of Pesori ms.), etc.
47. The manuscript itself comes, along with many other now in the town library of Verona, from the private library of that family; see Biadego. Catalogo descrittivo, 211 (to ms. n. 334 ).
48. They are listed in the genealogical summary in Verona, Biblioteca Civica, ms. 1250 , which comes from the same Gianfilippi private library; Biadego, Catalogo descrittivo, 550. Filippo Gianfilippi was born in 1561, and resided in the Ponte Pietra quarter at the time of 1616 cadastral survey; he married Ginevra Venier (from the Venetian noble family). From that marriage Francesco was born; he held public office positions in towns under Venetian jurisdiction, in Veronese territory (Torri di Quartesolo, 1641; Garda, 1656), and was still living at the time of the 1682 cadastral survey.
49. For example, f. [1r] 'Passacaglij Passeggiati sopra l'A', f. [2r] 'Cieccone Spagnole', f. [3r] 'Zaravande Francese', f. [4r] 'Follie Spagnole' (similar to 'follie in due modi in E passeggiate', p. 81 of the Newberry copy), f. [5r] 'Passacaglij Passeggiati sopra il D', f. [5v] 'Passo e mezzo in D' (similar to 'Passo e mezzo alla Venetiana in D', p. 37 of the Sibley copy, f. 14r of the Marciana copy), f. [6r] 'Siegue Saltarello in D', f. [7r] 'Barabam' (corresponds to '[…] Baraban Balletto', p. 47 of the Newberry copy), f. [8r] 'Bertacina Baletto' (corresponds to 'Bertazzina arietta del Ser. di Mantova', p. 49 of the Sibley copy, p. 97 of the Newberry copy), etc.
50. As it was not possible to check all the prints by Pesori, I can only guess that the piece 'Se per Donna Mortale' (f. [24r] of the Verona ms.) matches one of the two versions of the piece by that name, at f. 5 of Galeria Musicale di Stefano Pesori mantovano. Compartita in diversi scherzi di Chittariglia […] (Verona: Giovanni Battista e fratelli Merli, ); see https://applications.library.appstate.edu/music/guitar/1648apesori.html, accessed 15 October 2018. The same would be true for the 'Balletto del Serenissimo di Fiorenza' (ms. cit., f. [17v]), one of the 'Balli del Gran Duca semplici (Passeggiati)' in the same print (f. 29); and so on.
51. See, for example, in the US-R copy, the canzonette 'Poich'al fido Amor mio' («Determina morir Filidoro per compiacere alla Sua Donna») and 'Lilla cruda che vegg'io' («Gelindo risolve di non amare la traditrice»), at pp. 62–63; in the I-Vnm copy, the canzonetta «Filomarte spiega gli atti crudeli della S.D.» (f. 26v).
52. See the comments by Boye in his web pages devoted to Pesori's print; a tentative transcription of one piece ('Alemanda Francese') from the manuscript is published in Salomoni, 'Verona 1650', 40–41.
53. One of them has recently surfaced in a private library at San Ginesio (Macerata), see Salomoni, 'Verona 1650', 25.
54. «REGISTRO | DELLE PERSONE | PIÙ RIGUARDEVOLI, | Che hanno honorato ed honorano, | QUESTA ARMONIOSA VIRTÙ, | SOTTO GL'INSEGNAMENTI DEL | PESORI», inserted in the very last pages of the Verona copy of Toccate di chitarriglia.
55. General information about the collection can be drawn from the Gary R. Boye ed., Music for the Baroque Guitar: https://applications.library.appstate.edu/music/guitar/1660apesori.html, accessed 15 October 2018. Boye refers to the US-R copy as 'related, but different' than the I-Vnm copy, and also mentions a copy at Paris, Bibothèque nationale de France (F-Pn), but does not mention the copy at US-Cn. The catalog at F-Pn identifies their copy as a different print from the copies at US-R and I-Vnm: http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb42693678z, accessed 15 October 2018.
56. Here and elsewhere I refer to the online copy, freely downloadable from https://urresearch.rochester.edu/fileDownloadForInstitutionalItem.action;jsessionid=AA090B4879299D4EFE3D028947F51E90?itemId=29374&itemFileId=151615, accessed 15 October 2018.
57. Shelfmark VAULT Case folio M127 .P47 1650 (https://webvoyage.carli.illinois.edu/nby/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?DB=local&v1=1&BBRecID=960734); in this study I will refer to the online copy, freely downloadable at https://archive.org/details/case_m127_p47_1650 (both URLs accessed 15 October 2018).
58. Shelf mark MUSICA 98.
59. For example, the online copy from US-R is missing a page between pages 51 and 52 (which would correspond to f. 11v of the I-Vnm copy). Here, and in the following discussion, when dealing with the copies from American libraries I will refer to the pagination of the online copies cited above.
60. Regarding these issues, although in the context of other types of editions, see Andrea Lindmayr Brandl, 'Early Music Print and New Technology: Variants and Variant Editions', Fontes Artis Musicae, 54/3 (2017): 244–60.
61. The sonnet is at f. 2v in the Marciana copy, and at p. 11 of the copy from US-Cn.
62. For example, fols. 25r–25v of the Marciana copy correspond to pp. 70–71 in the US-R copy, and pp. 21–22 of the US-Cn copy; fols. 29r–29v of the Marciana copy corresponds to pp. 80–81 of the US-R copy, but are missing in the US-Cn copy; many more examples could be cited.
63. See fols.. 18r–20v of the Marciana copy.
64. At f. 27r in the Marciana copy, and p. 63 of the US-Cn copy.
65. The reader can verify other important differences in the Appendix.
66. On the frontispiece: «di Casa Lin:mi [sic] Sig:ri Lisci Volterra – Stefano Maffei»; under the last words of this annotation are fragments of one or two words, cut out with the trimming of the book during its (relatively modern) binding. Only the first part of the annotation («di Casa Lin:mi [sic] Sig:ri Lisci Volterra») is written in the bottom margin of the Pesori portrait, f. 3r.
67. See, e.g., Mario Giovannelli, Cronistoria dell'Antichità, e nobiltà di Volterra, cominciando dal principio della sua edificazione infin'al giorno d'hoggi (Pisa: Giovanni Fontani, 1613), 19, 141, 150, 167–68.
68. See Michele Maylender, Storia delle accademie d'Italia, vol. 5 (Bologna: Cappelli, 1930), 159–65; Annibale Cinci, ed., Storia Volterrana del Provveditore Raffaello Maffei (Volterra: Tip. Sborgi, 1887), xxxviii.
69. Some of that family were members or collaborators of the local academy, the Accademia dei Risvegliati, which was very active in the theatrical domain; see Maylender, Storia delle accademie, 5:26–30. However, its activities are only documented in the next century: see Maria Fedi, "Tuo lumine": l'accademia dei Risvegliati e lo spettacolo a Pistoia tra Sei e Settecento, Premio FUP, Tesi di dottorato; 19 (Florence: Firenze University Press, 2011), http://digital.casalini.it/9788866550525, accessed 15 October 2018, 1:216 n. 158, 295, 2:555–56, 574, 593, 677–78, 740, 776, 802–3, 865, 878, 887. Bartolomeo Nencini, who wrote some librettos for Alessandro Melani (himself active in the same Accademia dei Risvegliati) was probably a member of the same family; see Arnaldo Morelli, 'Melani, Alessandro', Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani 73 (2009): 232–36, at 234; Fedi, "Tuo lumine", 2: 935, 937.
70. This approach is also evident in other mid- to late-seventeenth-century publications by guitarist/composers, such as those by Giovanni Paolo Foscarini; see Tyler and Sparks, The Guitar and Its Music, 63–64.
71. At p. 33 of the US-Cn copy of Toccate di chitarriglia, a engraved vignette lists his previous musical collections, perhaps in chronological order, from left to right, without dating them exactly: «Galeria Musicale di Stefano Pesori mantovano/Lo scrigno armonico opera seconda di Stefano Pesori/Toccate di chitarriglia di Stefano Pesori». This chronological progression seems to be confirmed by the musical content of those collections, the first one being arranged like the manuscripts and printed collections for chitarra spagnola published at the beginning of the century: an explanatory table of the alfabeto notation, followed by the customary dance rhythms and ostinatos (i.e., 'Passagagli', 'Cieccone', 'Zaravande', and so on). The later collections by Pesori also begin with 'Passaggi semplici per dame, et novelli nello studio' (e.g., in the US-R and I-Vnm copies of Toccate di chitarriglia at p. 17 and f. 8r, respectively), but on the whole the musical and textual material is arranged more freely: the above-mentioned dances (in mixed notation) freely alternate with long prose texts and short arie text with alfabeto symbols, and so on.
72. See Salomoni, 'Verona 1650', 39–43.
73. See Boye, ed., Music for the Baroque guitar, at Pesori's Galeria musicale.
74. This significant term is used by the Venetian nobleman Gerolamo Lando (Monteverdi's and Rovetta's patron; see Rismondo, "Giovanni Rovetta, 'uno spirito quasi divino'", pp. 140–149), referring to some English courtier, in his letter dated 6 August 1621 (Venice State Archive, Inquisitori di Stato, b. 442, at date).
75. The same holds true with the 'arie in lingua spagnola' genre (that is, collections of ariette on short Sicilian poems), that resurfaced at the end of the century, even finding their place even in the Venetian nobility's libraries; see Arie a voce sola (Venice, 1656), cit.: XVI, note 5.
76. In this Appendix, squares with text in Roman indicates folios printed in typographic print, containing prose or poetical texts; squares with text in italics indicates the folios printed in etching (if not stated otherwise, they contains musical composition notated with 'mixed notation').
77. Similar to the other two copies, but the dedicatee changes: "All'Illustriss. Signor | II signor | Cesare Nencini | Da Pistoia, |Govematore in Cavaleria | Per la Serenissima Republica Veneta.".
78. In the US-R copy the piece is dedicated to "Gravise Gravise Gentilhuomo Giustinopolita"" marchese di Pietra Pelosa et Governatore de tre Castelli di Verona per la Serenissima Republlica[sic] Veneta"; in the US-Cn and I-Vnm copies the dedicatee is "Cesare Nencini da Pistoia Governatore in Cavaleria Per la Sereniss/ma Republica di Venetia".
79. The reproduction of the US-R copy lacks one page between pp. 51 e 52 (compare copies in I-Vnm and US-Cn libraries).
80. Perhaps here Pesori uses a cryptography derived from the dedicatee's family name.