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The Latin Americanist, September 2012 nineteenth century. He takes particular note of the difficulty of introducing alternative fuel sources, especially coal, and the failure to bring steam power into the equation. Still, he deems the salt works to have been a “surprisingly functional industry” (51) and, despite some ups and downs, regards the overall enterprise to have been an “unqualified success” (61, 62).Yet, it seems clear that the industry’s viability was constantly threatened by the need to ensure salt makers access to nearby forests, leading to regular efforts by the Finance Ministry to purchase local woodlands and ongoing attempts by tax-farmers or salt contractors to wrestle land away from communities and smallholders. Unfortunately, perhaps due to the fragmentary nature of the documentation, we learn little about the substantial environmental impact of the operation or its effect on land tenure in the area. In addition to a steady supply of timber, another serious challenge for the local salt industry was the large number of workers (at least 120 and, according to some documents, as many as 1,000!) required to collect and transport wood, manufacture ceramic containers, and monitor the purification process itself. Labor management, the author notes, remained an “enduring problem” (59). While not highly theoretical or explicitly engaged with some of the current historiography on everyday forms of state formation, this is a solid case study of the practical daily involvement of a Latin American state in shaping local life. It is generally concise, clearly written and highly readable. I recommend it for upper-division and graduate classes engaging the history of sate formation, economic development, and local change in Colombia and Latin America as a whole. Victor M. Uribe-Uran Department of History Florida International University A CULTURAL HISTORY OF CUBA DURING THE U.S. OCCUPATION, 1898–1902. By Marial Iglesias Utset. Trans. By Russ Davidson. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011, pp. 232, $26.95. Marial Iglesias Utset has produced a concise and well-written book in which she explains the development of Cuban nationalism during the years Americans controlled the island (1898 to 1902) and before Cuba became a republic. The central idea in the book might be best summed up with a quotation she uses from a Cuban of the era who noted the ambiguous and developing character of nationalism after the SpanishAmerican War, “All that was no longer exists” [and] “all that is to be does not yet exist.”(28). Rather than concentrating on political leaders or other elites, Iglesias’ primarily focuses on the majority of Cubans—most of whom (over 70%) were illiterate—and how they participated in the creation of a Cuban national identity. To get a sense of their views and involvement, Iglesias 126 Book Reviews relies not only on the printed word (which was read aloud to those who could not read), but also advertisements, postage stamps, flags, and music and speeches as well as processions and fiestas. From her sources, Iglesias identifies three principal views that Cubans held about nationalism, which existed and competed for dominance during American occupation: those who embraced Americanization and wanted to affiliate more closely with the United States; those who harkened back to their Spanish heritage; and those who wanted a clean break from the past and the creation of a separate and distinct Cuban identity. She demonstrates the existence of these mindsets with her narration of a debate over whose statue should replace that of the Spanish Queen Isabel II, which had been removed from a plaza at the end of the Spanish-American War. One magazine solicited input about the statue and printed results identifying the Cuban nationalist José Martí as receiving the most votes with the Statue of Liberty a close second. The next highest number of votes was for Christopher Columbus, suggesting that some still held affection for their Spanish colonial history. Iglesias is at her best when discussing how Cubans negotiated their national identity with one another and their American occupiers. While some Cubans initially accepted the U.S. presence as they perceived that country as a symbol of democracy and progress, many soon changed their minds once the occupying government imposed English as...


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pp. 126-128
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