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ANOTHER VERSION OF THE SAME STORY: IS THE 2009 CONSTITUTION GOING TO MAKE A DIFFERENCE? Silvia Borzutzky and Breanna Zwart Introduction Evo Morales’ election involves an attempt to redefine internal power relations in Bolivia by including the indigenous population into the political and economic systems, and by modifying the power relations between the central government and the wealthy eastern regions of the country. Previous attempts to change political and economic arrangements have been short-lived and have generated cycles of political instability. The current process has also been characterized by political instability and has seen the formation of a number of social movements geared to advance the rights of the indigenous people, and a powerful regional movement in the eastern part of the country seeking “a degree” of autonomy from the national government. These two sets of forces have shown to be able to both elect and paralyze Evo Morales and his government. In the past, the most important attempt to transform socioeconomic relations was carried out by the Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario (MNR) or Nationalist Revolutionary Movement in the 1950s; however, to paraphrase James Malloy, “the [MNR] revolution was never completed,”1 and in fact it set the bases for increased political instability. This paper argues that a major difference between the MNR and the Morales government is found in the constitutional process. While the MNR did not provide the country with a long lasting constitutional foundation, -the 1961 Constitution was approved at the end of the MNR regime and mostly served to secure Paz Estenssoro’s reelection- Morales has emphasized the importance of drafting a new constitution which has redefined political relations, the economic relations between the wealthy Eastern states and the poor Highlands, and will allow him to consolidate his power and the power of his party. Thus, the Constitutional process described in this paper and the enactment of the 2009 Constitution will be central to the consolidation of President Morales’ legacy. The paper also argues that following well established Latin American traditions, constitutions are not necessarily geared to guarantee democracy, but have very often been used to create a very strong executive power. In this context, the central question here is to what extent is the 2009 Constitution different from the many other Bolivian constitutions. The historical section of the paper highlights the fragmentation that has existed and still exists in Bolivian politics which in turn has been linked to a well known pattern of political instability. Given this past, to what C  2009 Southeastern Council on Latin American Studies and Wiley Periodicals, Inc. 5 The Latin Americanist, December 2009 extent is the 2009 constitution viable and capable of creating a durable structure which will allow this revolution to succeed, or will it be just another frustrated attempt to redesign political and economic structures that will ultimately backfire, becoming just one more episode in Bolivia’s yearning for a stable government. Several factors appear to indicate that the prospects for long lasting political stability are weak. It is true that today’s social movements have coalesced to elect Morales and sustain him through the referenda and struggle with the opposition, but the question is for how long they will stay under the same umbrella. In the past social movements have been able to unify only for a short time and around a specific issue, but not around a long-term platform. On the other hand, the concentration of economic power in a specific geographical area and in the hands of a small elite also acts as an obstacle to both change and stability. The analysis done below indicates that the new constitution and the question of control of resources generated by the gas industry have deepened existing social cleavages and created a new cycle of instability. It is important to note that although Morales’ policies also involve an attempt to redefine external economic and political by diversifying trading and political partners, those issues lay outside the scope of this paper, and that the paper will only analyze domestic issues that are at the core of Bolivia’s political life. The first part of the paper provides a brief political history of the country geared to highlight the...

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