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The Latin Americanist, Fall 2007 Puerto Rico.Throughout, the volume is focused on highlighting the regional manifestations of forces resulting from globalization, the growing agency of the Caribbean peoples in the modern world, and the delicate balance between homogeneity and difference among residents of the region. Moreover, Contemporary Caribbean Cultures and Societies in a Global Context celebrates the “hybrid“ nature that is the Caribbean. Unlike traditional studies that concentrate on a particular island state or linguistic grouping, this collection bridges boundaries to provide a more interdisciplinary and postmodern perspective of the area. Contemporary Caribbean Cultures and Societies in a Global Context examines the region’s cultural patterns in both their localized and diaspora communities. Their perspective, however, is very interesting because of its attempt to give a synthetic view of Caribbean and Caribbean diaspora history and in the process some regional differences are obscured. Those wanting more might seek direction from the endnotes and its outstanding bibliography. While Contemporary Caribbean Cultures and Societies in a Global Context represents a thoughtful and important critical addition to the world of Caribbean studies, scholars of this region may have appreciated the inclusion of one or two pieces that deal with the CircumCaribbean or the Caribbean basin as a more collective and representative space for discussion. In sum, this book is a rich addition to contemporary Caribbean studies and will be of interest to several academic constituencies, especially those in the social sciences. It is by any standard, illuminating, easy to read, and reflectssound research. Knight and Martinez-Vergneare to be congratulated on producing such a substantive work that advances our knowledge of the connections between the Caribbean and the global world. Contemporary Caribbean Cultures and Societies in a Global Context, above all, reflects the fundamental challenges posed by globalization as well as the organic forces responsible for the cultural dynamism that for centuries defines this region. H.J.Manzari Department of Modern Languages Washington and Iefferson College THEAMBIVALENT REVOLUTION: FORGINGSTATEAND NATION IN CHIAPAS, 2920-2945. By Stephen E. Lewis. Albuquerque: U New Mexico P, 2005, p. 288, $24.95. Chiapas is a land rich in natural resources with a population largely indigenous and poor living in near constant tension with a powerful mestizo planter and rancher minority. During and after the height of nationwide revolutionary conflict, state elites desiring to maintain their power and rule the state on their own terms often clashed with federal officials. In the long run they generally won, managing to dolittleabout the persistent inequality, grinding poverty and anti-Indian racism that has convinced many (however Book Reviews accurately or not) that the Mexican Revolution ”never came” to Chiapas. Intense conflict between state elites and federal officials during the 1920s and 1930s is detailed by Stephen E. Lewis in a revealing study of the Ministry of Public Education’s (SEP) postrevolutionary campaigns in Chiapas. Making effective use of archival documentation in Mexico City and Chiapas, Lewis traces the rise and fall of SEP programming across three critical decades-years that proved key in developing the “nation” as a modern society and state. After providing background on the late nineteenth century, Lewis deepens his narrative when describing the coming of the Constitutionalist faction (followers of Venustiano Carranza) to Chiapas and the reaction of various state elites (dubbed ”Mapaches”)as they rose up in revolt beginning in late 1914. Careful not to include the majority indigenous population in the struggle, countless villages and towns nevertheless suffered at the hands of the rival combatants until Mapache caudillo Tiburcio Fernandez Ruiz brokered a deal with Constitutionalist general Carlos Vidal and revolutionary leaders in Mexico City to officially retake control of Chiapas. Shortly thereafter, subsequent agrarian, labor and related reforms essentially came to naught as Fernandez Ruiz diligently worked to block all federal legislation while restoring Chiapas to its bad old pre-revolutionary social order. Distrustful of “foreign” federal administration influence coming from outside the state, the governor disassembled nearly all educational programming and fired many of the teachers. This latter move helped initiate a long battle over education, culture and, ultimately, power in the southern Mexican state. Following orders from Mexico City, SEPagents soon set out to promote a remaking of local society...

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