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BookReviews 143 The third thematic grouping, "Ethnocritiques," invokes dialogical perspectives and procedures in Native American literary criticism. Here, the focus is on texts that cross the borders between Western and Native American modes of knowing and articulating. The dimensions of cross-cultural encounter inform an exciting and innovative range of critical explorations. Conflicting and connecting cultural claims shape the work Krupat has edited with such care in this path-breaking volume. As Dell Hymes has long observed, none of us is able to stand outside ourselves sufficiently to know ourselves comprehensively, for it is indefensible to possess knowledge where only outsiders "know" and insiders are only "known," or to simply reverse that inequity. The goal is to achieve a knowledge which all humankind may equally share. What K.rupatseeks to accomplish is the mediation and translation of knowledge of Native American experience we may all possess. In this volume, he accomplishes that goal with grace and rigour. Elizabeth Hanson Collegeof Charleston •••••• John E. Crowley. The Privileges of Independence: Neomercantilism and the American Revolution. Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press. 1993. This is an important book, a significant addition to a series entitled Early America, History, Context, Culture (edited by Jack P. Greene and J. R. Pole). Geared toward the specialist on the American revolutionary era (with some understanding of mercantilism and the political economy of David Hume and Adam Smith), it has broad implications that should soon find their way into texts for the general reader. John E. Crowley, a senior historian at Dalhousie University, has seived up a transnational policy study that illuminates British and American attitudes toward freer trade and economic liberalism, defined by the author as "the legitimation of economic self-interests and the acceptance of their outcomes in the market" (xi). The term he employs for an enlightened attitude is "neomercantilism," a combination of economic liberalism and economic nationalism, and the period he has smveyed is roughly 1763 until the British-American Jay Treaty, 1795. 144 Canadian Review of American Studies As the above study shows, it is time, finally, to put to rest the idea that American revolutionaries were a bunch of free traders. Over forty years ago, 0. M. Dickerson, in 111eNavigation Acts and the American Revolution (Philadelphia, 1951), argued convincingly that there were no significant complaints from the colonies against the Navigation Acts and the Acts of Trade, or the mercantilist attitude they represented. Dickerson claimed that after 1767, the colonists nursed genuine grievances against England, but he did not deal with American objections to British commercial policy after the Peace of Paris in 1783. Crowley's argument is that the "privileges of independence," eliminating exclusive trade barriers and special advantages, were accepted by Great Britain, but stubbornly opposed by the United States, at least until Alexander Hamilton took charge of the political economy in the 1790s.In England, the regulation of trade after 1783 devolved on the king in council, and direction of the political economy was heavily influenced by John Baker Holroyd, Lord Sheffield, who wrote an influential pamphlet entitled Obsen,ations on the Commerce of the American States (1783). Sheffield defended the English Navigation Act (the object being naval strength), but he endorsed the liberalization of domestic and foreign markets. In America, however, the two most important policy movers during the 1780s were Thomas Jefferson and especially James Madison, a principled mercantilist who endorsed what Crowley terms "the prevailing desire to restore prerevolutionary commercial patterns" (95). Madison interpreted the neomercantilism practiced by Great Britain as a political struggle for trade advantagemonopolizing American trade with sinister motives which included breaking up the Confederation. As Crowley points out, in Virginia "time after time, he devised commercial policy either to counteract market behavior or to provide commercial opportunities in lieu of market incentives" (100). As a delegate to the Confederation Congress, Madison "assumed that political measures, rather than strictly economic developments, critically enhanced foreign trade and that the growth of one country's trade came at the cost of another's" (104). After the Constitution was adopted in 1789, Madison continued with his crusade to get the government to discriminate against British commerce. Like his mentor, Thomas Jefferson, Madison identified navigation...


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