Abstract

Abstract:

There has been a consensus in the literature that pa- and pa-ka- can be traced back to Proto-Austronesian as the causative prefix of dynamic and stative verbs, respectively. This paper investigates an apparently aberrant use of pa-ka-found in Kaxabu Pazeh, where the causative affix freely alternates between its canonical usage as a prefix and an applicative-like free morpheme with a word order parallel to the ka-construction in Taiwanese Southern Min. With consistent evidence from Kaxabu causatives and ditransitives, I demonstrate that the unexpected restructuring of the affix can be straightforwardly accounted for as a contact-induced change driven by both phonological and structural triggers from the dominant language.

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Additional Information

ISSN
1527-9421
Print ISSN
0029-8115
Pages
pp. 669-677
Launched on MUSE
2016-12-08
Open Access
No
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