In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Borderlands Scholarship for the Twenty-First Century
  • Nicole M. Guidotti-Hernández (bio)
Chiricahua and Janos: Communities of Violence in the Southwestern Borderlands, 1680–1880. By Lance R. Blyth. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2012. 296 pp. $60.00 (cloth). $30.00 (paper).
Standing on Common Ground: The Making of a Sunbelt Borderland. By Geraldo L. Cadava. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013. 320 pp. $42.00 (cloth).
Making the Chinese Mexican: Global Migration, Localism, and Exclusion in the U.S.–Mexico Borderlands. By Grace Peña Delgado. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012. 320 pp. $65.00 (cloth). $24.95 (paper).
Cuba’s Racial Crucible: The Sexual Economy of Social Identities, 1750–2000. By Karen Y. Morrison. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2015. 372 pp. $80.00 (cloth). $31.99 (e-book).
Chinese Mexicans: Transpacific Migration and the Search for a Homeland, 1910–1960. By Julia María Schiavone Camacho. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2012. 248 pp. $44.00 (cloth). $29.99 (e-book).
Alien Nation: Chinese Migration in the Americas from the Coolie Era through World War II. By Elliott Young. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. 384 pp. $29.99 (paper). $27.99 (e-book).

When Américo Paredes’s With a Pistol in His Hand (1958) and David Weber’s “The Taos Trappers: The Fur Trade from New Mexico, 1540–1846” (1968) were published, the cartography of Borderlands scholarship was focused on Spanish America and the US–Mexico border exclusively. Both centralized masculine subjects and occasionally heroes in the making of place, commerce, and a distinctive geocultural space. The narration of this unique locale used the Spanish Empire as its framework, examined the colonial structures that [End Page 487] dictated trade, the movement of peoples, the enslavement and genocide of Indigenous peoples, and the creation of Mexicans and Mexican Americans as an oppressed group within this geopolitical matrix. Besides the binary masculinist narratives of conflict (Anglo–Mexican or Anglo–Indian or Spanish–Indian) that demarcated Borderlands history in the 1980s and 1990s, there was also an affirmative shift to women’s history as part of Borderlands studies in the work of such scholars as Sarah Deutsch in No Separate Refuge: Culture, Class, and Gender on an Anglo-Hispanic Frontier in the American Southwest and Rosaura Sanchez in Telling Identities: The Californio Testimonios.1 Fast-forward to the 2000s, when a distinctive turn occurs in Borderlands history: the fuller integration of gender, sexuality, and feminist theory as part of Borderlands culture in texts such as Deena González’s Refusing the Favor or Mary Pat Brady’s Extinct Lands, Temporal Geographies and of Ramón Gutiérrez’s When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away (1991), which posited the social history of marriage and sexuality in colonial New Mexico as a profound shift in the practice of social history.2 Then the transnational turn took hold, most notably in an American Quarterly article by Laura Briggs, Gladys McCormick, and J. T. Way, where the authors argue that “the transitional enables us to center certain kinds of historical events as the emphatically non-national but indisputably important processes that include colonialism.”3 That the transnational keeps the nation in tension with power, borders, and subjects whose stories exceed those of national boundaries has become the hallmark of the theory and method of Borderlands studies, and to some degree, hemispheric American studies in the work of scholars like Walter Mignolo, among others.4 “Borderlands” has been a fruitful heuristic in transnational Dominican studies, for example. In Archiving Contradiction: Bodies, Nations, and the Production of Dominicanidad, Lorgia García Peña offers an account of Haiti–Dominican Republic borderlands that provides a model for Caribbean Latina/o studies theorizations of racialization—blackness and Indigeneity produced through spatiality—that must be considered in relation to US land borders by influencing and constructing borderlands lives of liminality, psychic spaces of conflict, and migration histories for Dominicans and Haitians on the mainland, for example.5 Such a configuration also broaches the question of whether an ocean can be considered a borderland. Overall, these theoretical and methodological shifts that inform Borderlands history centralize a critique of Marxist ideology as...


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