Grand Old Party: Political Structure in the Gilded Age 1880–1896 by Robert D. Marcus (review)

332 THE CANADIAN HISTORICAL REVIEW monopolyof the historicalinterpretationof their own era. They and their fathersmay havelostcontrolof the industrialand politicalmachinery of the nation, but they retainedcontrolof its intellectualapparatus.'This control, Logsdonconcludes, enabledthe view of Reconstruction popularizedby journalists like White and by historians like William A. Dunningand James Ford Rhodesto prevail.Suchan explanationignoresthe intellectualfo.rceof evolutionary biologyand the acceptance of racialhierarchyamongthe new generationof professional socialscientists with whom White had no contact anduponwhomhe exertednoinfluence. This book,then,is of morevaluefor students of Americanpoliticsthan for intellectualhistorians. Puristsmay quibbleaboutthe title sincethe closing decadesof White's life were ones of definite conservatism. Nonetheless,the analysis of White'spoliticalfortunesillustrates vividly (Louis Hartz to the contrarynotwithstanding) the witheringof the European-style liberalimpulse beforetherealities of Americanpolitics. JILL K. CON•VAY Universityof Toronto Grand Old Party: PoliticalStructurein the GildedAge •88o-•896. RO•T I). M•,Rcus.New York, Oxford University Press[Toronto, Oxford University Press], •97•. Pp.xii, 3•3. $8.75. Alongside the title pageof thisbookis an apt quotationfrom Aristotle's De Pattibus Animallure: 'we must not betake ourselves to the consideration of the meaneranimalswith a bad grace,as thoughwe were children;sincein all natural thingsthereis somewhat of the marvellous. We oughtnot to hesitate nor to be abashed, but boldlyto enteruponour researches concerning animals of everysortand kind, knowingthat in not oneof themis Nature or Beauty lacking.' If the entire book followedthe thoughtful,incisive,and readable pattern of the first chapter,any needto justifythe examinationof a hostof minorpoliticalfigures or to askfor the reader's forbearance wouldbe quite uncalledfor. This chapterfocuses on Americanpolitical structurefrom the late I87OSto the early •89osand capturesthe essence of that topic.During theseyearsboththeRepublican andDemocratic partiesconstantly avoidedany fundamental examination of Americansociety anditsproblems, butwerequite contentto seekelection by re-fighting the Civil War or suggesting adjustments in tariff schedules. Sincethe greatbulk of the Americanelectorate werecommittedin their party allegiance, and sincepoliticalpartieslargelycontrolled the flow of political informationand the.kindsof issues raised,there was a certainuniformityandpredictability to theelections of thetime. All of thisbeganto changein the late i88os,and by •896 it wasa distant memory only.The bodyof thebookisan extended examination of theactivities of a greatvarietyof Republicanofficials and organizers in the presidential campaigns of •88o, •884, •888, •89•, and •896-so as to reveal both the stabilityof the earlierera and the dramaticchangeof the •89os.Presidential and private papersprovidemuchof the material,but thisis reinforcedwith REVIEWS 333 evidence frombiographies, autobiographies, andpertinentsecondary literature. If one centralthemerunsthroughoutthe bookit centreson the fact that theRepublican partywasa highlydecentralized organization with little control over stateand municipalcomponents of the party. It showedlittle continuity in officers, or campaigns, lackedany clear-cuthierarchyof power,had few guidelines to follow,and usuallysuffered from a lackof funds.Yet onceevery four yearsthis decentralized, fragmented collection of squabbling individuals had to organizea convention, nominatea presidential candidate,and secure the necessary campaignfundsto supporthim in his bid for election.In the process of carryingout thesethemes, the readerisintroduced to a smallmultitude of politicalfigures.Their rivalries,alliances, obligations, struggles for power, set backs,and achievements are cataloguedat length.Although the menanddetailsvaryfrom campaign to campaign, thesheerabundance of such detailleadsto weariness andfatigue.One isneverin doubtafter readingthese pages whytheauthorintroduced hisbookwith thequotation fromAristotle. The electionof t89fi not only marked the end of a politicalera, but the readable,analyticaltreatmentprovidedhere is a welcomechangefrom the coverage of the four previous presidential elections. Mark Hanna is shownto be typicalof the Republicanbusinessman-president maker of the age. The freedom accorded statemachines bythenationalcommittee washardlyunique, norwasthepursuitof southern delegates, theideaof assessing businessmen for funds,or the generalcampaign rhetoric.What wasuniquewasthe magnitude, speed,and thoroughness of the efforts.Yet this resultedmore from the fear engendered by William Jennings Bryan oratorythan from Hanna'sunquestionedorganizational ability. In shortthisis a scholarly, well-researched, valuablemonograph. Specialists will citeit in bibliographies butit will probably bescanned ratherthanread. NORBERT ¾IACIDONALD University o[BritishColumbia Forceand Diplomacy:Essays Military and Diplomatic.RAYMOND G.O'CONNOR. Coral Gables,Universityof Miami Press,•97•. PP. xii, •67. $to.oo. The useandabuse of forceremainthecrucialproblem of international politics. In this slim volume, Raymond O'Connor showshow successive American governments havesimultaneously used forceto achieve theirpoliticalgoals and led efforts aimedat rendering theapplication of forceunnecessary or less likely. These essays, after reviewingAmerica'slove-haterelationship with military powerand summarizing twentieth-century navalstrategy, focus upontheinterwar effortsby the United States,the Europeanpowers,and the Leagueof Nationsto controlthe useof force.Naval disarmament, theleague's collective securitymechanism, multilateralagreements such...