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REVIEWS 331 samefate asthose whoopposed them- theloss of mostof theirtribal lands. To sumup: thisbookis a timelyandrewarding one.It isto behopedthat it will prompthistorians toprepare comparable studies in thehistory of Indianwhite relations in Canada. C.M. JOHNSTON McMaster University Horace White: NineteenthCenturyLiberal. JOSEPH LOGSDON. Contributions in AmericanHistoryno IO. Westport, Conn.,Greenwood Publishing, i97i. Pp.xiv, 418.$I3.5O. This is a valuablemonograph throwingmuchlight on the transitionfrom the Civil War era to the politicalstyleof the GildedAge.HoraceWhite'scontributionsto the politicaland intellectual movements of hisdayarenot in themselves of the calibreto fleshout a full-lengthbiography. Joseph Logsdon has therefore treatedWhite'scareer fromitsopening days duringthefoundation of the Republican partyin Illinoisto itsclosing yearsasa New York Mugwump outof touchwith thecentral issues andpoliticalmovements of theProgressive era asa touchstone bywhichto assess therealignment of politicalloyalties and the newformsof politicalorganization whichtookplaceduringthe Post-Civil War period.This methodenablesthe author to trace with considerable skill the various steps bywhichHoraceWhite aseditor-in-chief andpart ownerof theChicago Tribunebecame apassionate supporter oftheRadicalRepublicans. This narrativeis the more strikingbecause Logsdonis able to demonstrate conclusively that White's radicalismwaned immediatelythe causeof black Americans ceased to serve hisownpoliticalinterests. Onceconfronted byblack voterswho did not supportthe break-away wing of the Republican reformers in I87• , White beganto think seriously for the firsttime on the racequestion andto adoptanunequivocally racistposition. The politicalbattlesof White'scareerreceivelivelytreatmentbecause the authorhasa gift for politicalnarrative.The samecannotbe saidfor the treatmentof White'sintellectualandjournalistic career,whilethe dimensions of his personality and emotionallife simplyare not touchedupon. We learn for instance aboutWhite'sfirstwife onlyon the occasion of the weddingand of her suddendeath. We discoverthe secondMrs White on exactlysimilar occasions. Sucha biography seems inevitably wooden andlackingin important personal dimensions. There is a somewhat similarproblemin the treatmentof White'sintellectual development because the authordoesnot havethe skillat evokingan intellectual milieuthat he possesses for thepoliticalscene. White'sdeveloping racism isdescribed asflowingonlyfromhispoliticalexperience thoughit isclearthat Whitewasmuchinfluenced bytheemerging social sciences with theiracceptanceof racialhierarchy. White's participation in thefounding of theAmerican SocialScience Association is mentioned for itspoliticalsignificance but not as an importantsource of intellectual influence. We are thustoldin the closing chapterthat 'White and his fellow Mugwumpshad an almostuncanny 332 THE CANADIAN HISTORICAL REVIEW monopolyof the historicalinterpretationof their own era. They and their fathersmay havelostcontrolof the industrialand politicalmachinery of the nation, but they retainedcontrolof its intellectualapparatus.'This control, Logsdonconcludes, enabledthe view of Reconstruction popularizedby journalists like White and by historians like William A. Dunningand James Ford Rhodesto prevail.Suchan explanationignoresthe intellectualfo.rceof evolutionary biologyand the acceptance of racialhierarchyamongthe new generationof professional socialscientists with whom White had no contact anduponwhomhe exertednoinfluence. This book,then,is of morevaluefor students of Americanpoliticsthan for intellectualhistorians. Puristsmay quibbleaboutthe title sincethe closing decadesof White's life were ones of definite conservatism. Nonetheless,the analysis of White'spoliticalfortunesillustrates vividly (Louis Hartz to the contrarynotwithstanding) the witheringof the European-style liberalimpulse beforetherealities of Americanpolitics. JILL K. CON•VAY Universityof Toronto Grand Old Party: PoliticalStructurein the GildedAge •88o-•896. RO•T I). M•,Rcus.New York, Oxford University Press[Toronto, Oxford University Press], •97•. Pp.xii, 3•3. $8.75. Alongside the title pageof thisbookis an apt quotationfrom Aristotle's De Pattibus Animallure: 'we must not betake ourselves to the consideration of the meaneranimalswith a bad grace,as thoughwe were children;sincein all natural thingsthereis somewhat of the marvellous. We oughtnot to hesitate nor to be abashed, but boldlyto enteruponour researches concerning animals of everysortand kind, knowingthat in not oneof themis Nature or Beauty lacking.' If the entire book followedthe thoughtful,incisive,and readable pattern of the first chapter,any needto justifythe examinationof a hostof minorpoliticalfigures or to askfor the reader's forbearance wouldbe quite uncalledfor. This chapterfocuses on Americanpolitical structurefrom the late I87OSto the early •89osand capturesthe essence of that topic.During theseyearsboththeRepublican andDemocratic partiesconstantly avoidedany fundamental examination of Americansociety anditsproblems, butwerequite contentto seekelection by re-fighting the Civil War or suggesting adjustments in tariff schedules. Sincethe greatbulk of the Americanelectorate werecommittedin their party allegiance, and sincepoliticalpartieslargelycontrolled the flow of political informationand the.kindsof issues raised,there was a certainuniformityandpredictability to theelections of thetime. All of thisbeganto changein the late i88os,and by •896 it wasa distant memory only.The bodyof thebookisan extended examination of theactivities of a greatvarietyof Republicanofficials and organizers in the presidential campaigns of •88o, •884, •888, •89•, and •896-so as to reveal both the stabilityof the earlierera and...


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