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REVIEWS 309 underwhichthe department wasplacedby the new Conservative administrationin x93 o. It is remarkable howfew of theinformativeandpowerfully writtenSkelton memoranda from thisperiodappearin these pages. The importantmemorandum , for example,which Skeltonpreparedfor the Imperial Conference of x9•6, showing how little influenceSkelton's radicalviewshad on King's conduct in London,is nowherein sight.Nor is Skelton's retrospective memorandum on the Conference on the Operationof Dominion Legislationin i9• 9 deemedworthyof publication. Here Skeltoncaptures the dramaand conflict of the gathering,describes with greathumourits chiefpersonalities, setsout the Canadianposition aswell asthatof theotherparticipants, andsummarizes conference findingsand their significance. Skeltondoesthis, admittedly,at somelengthand oneunderstands that manydocuments wereexcluded on that basis. But, instead, we are givenoverthirty pagesof mind-destroying extracts from the minutesof thismosttechnical of conferences. And, if lengthis to be the criterion,then why are somanyof Skelton's shorterpapersomitted,such asonesuggesting theimplications of William Phillips'appointment in •9•7 as first Americanministerin Ottawa? As it is, we are simplyinformedof the appointment, asif it wasnomorethananeveryday occurrence. Despitethesecriticisms, Mr Inglis' volumeis importantand useful,the essential starting pointfor anystudyof thehistory of Canadianexternalaffairs in thisperiod.We havelongbeenput to shame by theBritishandtheAmericans in thepublication of foreign policydocuments. Now thatwearebeginning to do somecatchingup, it is to be hopedthat the Departmentof External Affairswill continueto givethisprojectthe highpriorityit deserves. NORMAN HILLMER Directorateof History, NationalDe[enceHeadquarters GENERAL The Industrial Revolution and Economic Growth. R.M. HARTWELL. London andToronto,Methuen,i97t. Pp.xxii,4•3. $•5.95 cloth,$7.95paper. This volumeis a collection of seventeen papers.Thirteen havebeenpublished before;several,especially thosewhich deal with the standard-of-living controversy , arewellknownandwidelyread.The authorhasgrouped hismaterial into threesections: methodology and background, causes and processes in the EnglishIndustrialRevolution, and socialand economic consequences of it. The resultscontain no surprises for anyonewho has been followingthe scholarly literature of thepasttwenty years, towhichHartwellhascontributed soextensively. But it isusefulto havetheoldpapers gathered together in one place. And thefournewpapers areinteresting supplements to thearguments with which we have become familiar. 310 THE CANADIAN HISTORICAL REVIEW In his introduction,Hartwell attemptsto defendhimselfagainstthe charge that he readsand criticises but doesno research or interpretation of hisown. I thinkthepapers themselves aresufficient justification for histendency to use the work of othersas a basisfor historiographical criticism.Nevertheless, Hartwell doesspendfar too much spaceon catalogues of others'opinions. Further,in some of theessays thereisa hectoring tendency whichI findrather distressing. Too often, Hartwell is criticisingother economic historians for failing to provideadequateconceptual frameworks, whilerelyinghimselfupon thenot veryprofoundinsights of economists whose viewsarealreadybecoming subject to professional criticism. Hartwell's work first crossed my intellectualhorizon when I was a very junior instructorfreshfrom graduateschool. I foundit excitingand helpful because it connected soneatlywith the economic analysis which I had been laboriously mastering. It wasrefreshing to be toldthat economics wasrelevant to historicalstudy,that what matteredwasthe studyof growth,that many historians were careless about conceptualisation. Thesethingsare still worth saying. But few nowthinkthat economic history needrestrict itselfto thestudy of growth.Few now acceptthe 'contributions-to-growth' analyses whichwere sofashionable in theearlysixties, andwhichcolourHartwell'sinterpretation of theEnglishIndustrialRevolution. Fewwouldarguequitesoconfidently about theprobable magnitudes of things whichwecannot in factobserve ormeasure. Many wouldcriticise Hartwell for underplaying the contribution of capital accumulation to earlyindustrial growth,andfor exaggerating thecontribution of education. Many of the essays are still enormously valuable.In the standard-of-living controversy, Hartwell is an optimist,and he clearlycomes out on top,while Hobsbawmstandsconvictedof indifferentscholarship and eccentricanalysis. In seeking the causes of the IndustrialRevolution, he is properlysarcastic aboutmono-causal and Marxist interpretations, but his own account,though properly complicated, israthervitiatedbyanoccasional inabilitytodistinguish betweenthe demandand supplysides of the expansionary process. There are alsosomefairly importantmuddlesbetweencapitalgoods, capitalfunds,income , and conspicuous consumption, which force the reader to translate Hartwell into more preciseand explicit terms.Though he criticlses other economists and historians for failing to explainthe IndustrialRevolution,his own causalaccount(essay 6) is simplya synthesis of the recentexplanations of others.Yet it convinces,becauseit is so sensible,balanced,and wellinformed . When he turns to particulars,Hartwell is both annoyingand impressive. Pages are filledwith summaries of otherscholars' opinions. Thesesummaries maybe usefulto hurriedprofessors whomustfind pottedlectures, or to lazy undergraduates, but theydonothelpthereadertodecide whoisright,because theyneverpresent theevidence or arguments onwhichtheopinions arebased. In view of the fact that Hartwell himselfhaspublished no primary research on any of the subjects whichhe discusses, it is a little provoking to find so REVIEWS $11 many 'agendafor research,' so many listsof 'unanswered questions.' Surely, aftertwentyyearsin economic history, Hartwellmighthaveproceeded to try to...


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