Priest, Politician, Collaborator: Jozef Tiso and the Making of Fascist Slovakia by James Mace Ward (review)

A collaborator and traitor, or martyr and head of the first independent Slovak state since the ninth century? Jozef Tiso, a Catholic priest and the wartime president of Slovakia, still belongs to the contested figures of modern Central European history. James Ward presents the first comprehensive and balanced assessment of Tiso, going well beyond a pure biography of the only Catholic priest who ever served as president of a nation-state and offering a careful analysis of his political decisions during the war. Ward follows Tiso’s footsteps from elementary school in the Hungarian Felvidék province (contemporary Slovakia) to his postwar trial for collaboration with Nazi Germany, betraying interwar Czechoslovakia, and persecution of the Jewish population in Slovakia. In the first chapters the author delves into Tiso’s evolving ideological outlook from 1918 to 1939. Toward the end Ward traces the battles over the memory of Tiso among exiled Slovak nationalists, the general public, and professional historians ever since his execution in April 1947.

Tiso has often been presented as an authoritarian ruler who molded Slovakia to his “Christian-National socialist” image (p. 289). Contesting this simplification, Ward depicts Tiso as a wavering person, even an opportunist, who started his career as a graduate of the Catholic Pázmáneum in Vienna (as Jószef Tiszó), supported the Hungarian regime in Slovakia, and promoted the interests of the Catholic Church above all others. After the revolution of 1918, he entered the democratic competition as a proponent of Slovak nationalism in liberal multi-ethnic Czechoslovakia, a country not to his liking, especially because of its alleged suppression of Slovak autonomy, strong socialist movement, and secularization aimed primarily against the Catholic Church. In politics Tiso followed a dual Christian-social and Slovak-nationalist program, increasingly emphasizing a nationalistic discourse and abandoning his activities on behalf of the Church. Despite the often-used labels, Tiso belonged to the moderate Slovak nationalists in the Hlinka Slovak People’s Party (Lud’áci) especially from 1926 on, aiming to enter the Czechoslovak government.

After two years as minister for public health and physical education (1927–1929), Tiso stepped down following treason accusations against Lud’ák radical Vojtech Tuka, who was sentenced to fifteen years for his dealings with Hungary. Tiso spent the 1930s balancing between party radicals who demanded an unconditional struggle for Slovak autonomy, and his desire not to destroy the Czechoslovak republic—the best safeguard against Hungarian irredentism.

It was only with the changing international situation in the late 1930s that Tiso moved to the radical side pushing for Slovak autonomy. Ward argues that the general radicalization of the Slovak populists after 1938 blurred the borders between the moderates and radicals (p. 289). Slovakia did indeed gain autonomy on October 6, 1938—one week after the Munich Agreement was signed and the first Czechoslovak Republic was destroyed; Tiso became its first prime minister. On March 13, 1939, Tiso visited Berlin, where Hitler pressured him to declare Slovakia’s independence and thus proclaim the death of Czecho-Slovakia. The way in which he achieved Slovak nationalist goals, however, inevitably linked Slovak “independence” to the fate of Hitler’s empire and drew Slovakia into the impending world war. Tiso was elected president of Slovakia in October 1939, shortly after having involved Slovakia as the only country allied with Hitler to take part in the invasion of Poland. The fact that Poland was both Slavic and Catholic gave the lie to Tiso’s professed principles.

In the heated debate over Tiso’s wartime collaboration Ward stands on the middle ground, providing convincing observations concerning the influences underlying Tiso’s fateful decision to share Germany’s path. Czechoslovakia’s recent indifference to Slovakia’s problems, and its consignment of Slovak politicians to secondary roles, also needs to be acknowledged. Tiso was under pressure from the Slovak radicals, especially Voitech Tuka and Alexander Mach. Hungary might have...