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REVIEWS 205 effects ·are to be ignored in favour of primary; Perhaps the most obvious example of s-uch effects wo1!ld be found. in a category with which Mr~ Rajan has not chosen to deal, that of characterization. Here the epic form sets .severe limits, reinforced by the remoteness .from common experience of the action and pe~ons which Paradise Lost celebrates. We have no right to expect a high 9,egree of hum'anization and individuation; but in Satan and his ·fellows, in Eve, and in Adam in his relations with Eve, we get, as so often with Milton, more than we expect. That Mr. Rajan is well aware of this fact, no one need doubt. There is perhaps as much of strategy as of conviction in his insistence on the limits which h~ has set for himself-and for Milton. To anticipate secondary effects as if they we~e primary is to see a poem out of focus and to court disappointment; and the tendency tp do precisely this has been one of the principal causes of the reaction against Milton. So Mr. Rajan seeks to guard against this error by commending to the twentieth-century reader the point of view, not of this school of criticism or of that, but of the seventeenth -century reader. Critical postulates are justified chiefly by what the critic is able to do with them. With his, Mr. Rajan has been able to make a notable contribution to our understanding of Paradise Lost and, indire.dly, to adrriinister a check to those who are more ·prone to attack than to understand . It seems a good deal less certain today than it did to another Cambridge critic ·in the thirties, that "Milton's dislodgement, after his two centuries of predominance,'' has been "effected with remarkably little fuss." AFRIKANDER NATIONALISM* A. BRADY Among the movements of natinalism within the British Commonwealth that of the AfTikander people is of singular interest. Here is a national group derived ·m~y from Dutch, French, and German stock, shaped by three centuries of struggle for survival in Mrica, and divided at times by profound issues of politics. .For Africa and the British Commonwealth the aims and condtJct·of this small community have a major significance, and for the political scientist they constitute rich case material in the study of nationality. Michael Roberts and A. E. G. Trollip in The South African Opposition, 1939-1945~ throw some interesting light upon the subject. They do not examine nationalism in its ·many cultural aspects, a subject which · in South Mrica demands study. They deal merely with the political .opposition to the government throughout the period of war and illustrate how Dr. Malan, the present Prime Minister of the Union, built qp his party in those critical *The South African Opposition, 1939-1945: An Essay in Contemporary History. By MICHAEL RoBERTS and A. E. G. TRoLLIP. London, Cape Town, New York, Toronto: Longmans, Green. 1947. Pp. xj 240. ($4.50) 8 206 THE UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO QUARTERLY years as the ·chief vehicle of Mri.kander protest against the policies of General Smuts. The book is heavily factual, replete with quotations in Afrikaans, but it provides the reliable information from which som~ generalizations may be drawn concerning Mri.kander nationalism and the tortuous politics of the time. There are four different kinds of Afrikander nationalist. There is the distinguished school of General Smuts who carries on the political traditions which he with General Botha helped to create in the years prior to the First ·World War. To Smuts, the Mri.kander should fed pride in his tradition and his culture, hut he ·should not shrink from merging with the English Sout:h Africans to create a united people, for the two _ European groups are thrown together in a common destiny. Characteristic is the remark of Smuts: "Just as the English and Scots came together, so shall we." The necessities of modern civilization and the special role of the European race in Africa demand the closest co~operation. In this matter the sentiments· of th~ paSt should not be allowed to dominate the action of the future. Close to the ideal of...


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